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Arusha School is one small school within the Tanganyika education system. It opened in 1934 for European children and now 40 years later is still catering for the children of expatriates workings in Tanzania.

The school was built by the Government and has always been owned by it in fulfilment of its aim to provide education for the children of settlers, officials, commercial managers and foreign experts. However the Government has directly managed the school for only 18 years of the 40 years of its history, and even then in close association with the Anglican Diocese of Central Tanganyika. For the other years, the Diocese has had either direct management responsibility or indirect management influence, but always the school has been financed by Government money and fees.

In order to understand the background of the various management agreements and to set the school in the total context of education in Tanganyika, this history looks in Chapter 1 at the broad sweep of the development of formal education from the German colonial administration in 1887 to the integrated system under the independent Government in 1962. Significant points in this evolving pattern are the British interpretation of the Mandate under the League of Nations and the uncertainty of European settlement; the Grant in Aid System of Government/Mission partnership in education introduced in the 1920s; the depression and economic recession of the 1930s and the three racially distinct educational systems for African, European and Indian children formalized in the 1940s and 1950s.

In Chapter II, the focus is narrowed from education as a whole to European education in particular. The Government, while not willing to take a lead, was willing to support those who did. Thus Bishop Chambers within the context of his concern for the pastoral care of Europeans opened a temporary school in 1928. This venture proved unsuccessful but led to negotiations for the Government to build a school and the Bishop to manage it using Government funds. Thus the Government could indirectly employ missionary staff at missionary rates of pay, a very economical proposition indeed during the post depression years.

Chapter III looks at the school in the first 12 years of its existence from 1934 - 1946 under its first Headmaster, Wynn Jones. He was an outstanding man whose loving, gentle personality and concern for people left an indelible impression on the school and a strong sense of family cohesion among boarders and staff alike.

In the 10 years under Wynn Jones, the enrolments grew from 30 to 120 pupils and the school outstripped the resources of the Diocese to staff it. A new agreement was therefore reached in 1946 under which the Government would directly manage the school, and employ staff, but the Diocese would have a strong and continuing involvement.

From 1946 to 1963 under the second major Headmaster Hamshere and a stable senior staff, the school expanded and became an efficient and somewhat impersonal yet vital and living community. Chapter IV looks at the personality of Hamshere, the curriculum and extra curricular activities and the exclusiveness of the "European" enrolment.

In 1961 the country gained its independence, followed in January 1962 by the abolition of separate European, Indian and African education departments.

This history is brought to a conclusion in 1969, 7 years after the integrated system of education became effective. During these years, the school returned to semi-Diocesan control under a Board of Governors and became an "international community" feeling its way very hesitantly to a place within independent Tanzania. In 1969, the post-independence Headmaster Bryn Jones left, the last of the British indent staff arrived, and the first of many missionary recruited teachers was employed on terms similar to those of 1934.

It is the belief of the writer that the character or tone of a school is very strongly determined by the nature of the staff and the leadership of the Headmaster. This history isolates the unique and contrasting personalities of two of the headmasters, Hamshere and Wynn Jones, who served the school for 28 years between them, and who left an indelible impression on it.

This history will also trace a rather unusual church-state relationship in the establishment and management of Arusha School. This relation-ship developed partly in an attempt to stretch scanty government funds as widely as possible; and partly in a genuine attempt to personalize what could have become a formal academic machine, and to bring a more spiritual and human dimension into an otherwise harsh and uncultured "frontier" and "colonial" environment.

Arusha School was in many ways a unique school, but for all its distinctiveness, it was always a Government owned school which took its place within the total education system. Before looking at the school or even the structure of the European education system, this chapter will review briefly the formal educational provision as it was initiated by the Germans and established by the British in 1920s and 1930s. The introduction of the Grant in Aid System has particular relevance in this context.

In 1884 and 1885, Carl Peters and agents of the German East Africa Company made treaties with the Tanganyika main-land chiefs, and. in 1887 officials arrived to establish a colonial rule which lasted until 1914. The primary task of these administrators was to maintain law and order and develop communications which would open up the country to trade and commerce.

Missionaries proceeded the administrators and as education was an inevitable concomitant of evangelization, a system of rudimentary schools was quickly established. In 1900, there were 600 mission schools with 50,000 pupils accounting for 95% of the total school enrolment at the time, and by 1914 these figures had risen to 1000 schools with 150,000 pupils.

The Germans had no initial plans to establish an education system, but the need arose for them to train a junior and local civil service to staff their administrative machine. The purpose of their schools was thus defined in an official circular of 1903 as:

a. to enable the native to be used in government administration;

b. to inculcate a liking for order, cleanliness, diligence and dutifulness and a sound knowledge of German customs and patriotism

In single-minded fulfilment of these aims, they had established by 1914, 60 three-year village primary schools, 9 two-year central schools and one high school in Tanga providing clerical, industrial and teacher training for up to 500 pupils. The system was secular and strictly vocational but effective, and brought much favourable comment from British administrators who tried to rebuild the civil service in the 1920s.

A skilful and remarkably successful guerrilla campaign waged by the German Commander Von Lettow Vorbeck kept the war in Tanganyika going for the entire length of the First World tear. A scorched earth policy and the requisition of buildings meant a complete collapse of the Government's education system, though some mission schools managed to retain a semblance of instruction. Thus by 1920, the Education Department consisted of 1 officer and 2 clerks with a budget equal to 1% of the country's revenue, in fact less than the amount appropriated for the maintenance of Government House.

Sir Horace Byatt, a civil servant, was appointed administrator in 1916 and the first British Governor in 1920. He faced an almost total breakdown in administration, a severe famine in 1919, no financial support from Britain and some uncertainty as to how the League of Nations Mandate was to be interpreted. He did not allow a soldier-settler scheme similar to the one operating in Kenya; he prepared a land ordinance which clearly favoured African ownership and development; and he hoped to establish a separate education system which would ignore the missionary system and be in direct competition with it. Byatt's policies brought him into sharp conflict with the settlers, some of whom pressed for union, especially of Northern Tanzania, with Kenya where the policies were much more favourable to European settlement.

Sir Donald Cameron arrived in 1925 and immediately set about attempting to win the support of the settlers and the British "unofficial" population for his policies. He was conscious of the contribution the settlers could make to the economic development of the country and he tried hard to convince them that he was concerned for their welfare.

He nevertheless made it clear from the start that this was not just another British Colony: "We are here on behalf of the League of Nations to teach Africans to stand by themselves. When they can do that, we must get out. It will take a long time, yet everything we do must be based on this principle". This was a remarkably liberal and far sighted policy for 1925 and he was even more precise about expatriate settlement: "We must determine from the start the place of the African in the political structure and how he is to achieve it. "We must not allow the European to become so entrenched that there will be no place for the African except at the white man's pleasure".

The keystone of Cameron's policies of indirect rule, preparation .for self rule and eventual independence, was education, In fulfilment of this aim, between 1925 and 1931, the expenditure on education was increased by 8 times, and the number of pupils in Government schools, by 10 times, This was commendable but still far from adequate, and Cameron realised that he would have to turn for help to the missions, who could provide education at half the cost of the Government schools.

From the very earliest post war years, the missions were feeling their way toward some kind of partner ship with Government in education. The following; missionary comment was no doubt typical:

"It seems to as quite evident that in view of the present financial stringency, neither the Government nor the missionary facilities can carry on the work alone, but that working in conjunction they can bring to a successful issue the aims which they both have at heart. It is a simple matter of fact that missions can secure the services of men and women of the best type and training who for the highest motives will give their life service at a very much lower cost than those who do not have similar motives to inspire them. Therefore if a system of grants-in-aid could be coupled of course with inspections, missions could largely augment their schools and raise their standard of education, introducing; a large measure of industrial training for which fresh instructors will be obtained from England and elsewhere".

This rather pious statement stands at the right wing., of a universal debate on state aid for church schools and is in marked contrast to the realities of occasional antagonism between the churches and the Government in the 19408 and 1950s.

The Ormsby-Gore Commission in 1924 criticised the back of educational provision and claimed that the education system had not returned to the level it had reached under the Germans.

The Phelps-Stokes Commission, a missionary inspired and privately financed commission in the same year called for partnership between missions and government, not separate development, and this policy was delineated in a subsequent Colonial Office Memorandum of 1925 entitled, "Education Policy in British Tropical Africa". There was also a significant "Protestant Lobby" at Westminster which supported the partnership concept.

An African Education Ordinance came into effect on lst January 1928. It set up a Central Advisory Committee on Education and authorized the payments of Grants in Aid (G.I.A.) to voluntary schools which fulfilled certain standards of efficiency. In 1924/25 the total Government expenditure on education had been "15,754 or 1.18% of the territory's revenue; by 1928/29 it had risen to "80,000 or 3.35% of the revenue.

The Government's aim in education was to provide a small but efficient system to fulfil clearly identified purposes of development, while the missions in addition aimed to use Government money to "Christianize" the country by education. In actual fact the peak of the independent mission enterprise in education had passed, and their work was now increasingly underwritten by Government money and came more and more under Government control. The last grants were paid in 1969 when all grant aided schools cane under full Ministry of Education management.

The Dutch community, many of whom had trekked from South Africa, and which was one of the largest groups to take up land abandoned by the Germans during the war, was one of the first to take advantage of the G.I.A. system. While the British settlers were waiting for the Government to do something for them, the Dutch had built 3 schools and received grants for them from 1928 on. The Government also began to assume some responsibility for financing Asian schools which had come into being on the initiative of various communities of parents, notably those of the Aga Khan's community.

The G.I.A. payments system which had such small and tentative beginnings had risen to "285,000 in 1949 and "824,000 in the 1963/64 financial year.

The first attempts at providing education for British children were made in 1927 and 1928 and this will be dealt with more fully in the next chapter.

Cameron left in 1930 and Tanganyika was faced with not only a severe economic depression, but lack, of inspiration and drive in Cameron's less able successors. This hit particularly the Native Authority schools which were being established by the local authorities in pursuance of Cameron's "indirect rule" policy. The expenditure on African education fell from "110,833 or 0.44 shillings per head of population in 1931/32 to "70,951 or 0.28 shillings per head in 1935, while there were small increases in the expenditure for European and Indian education. Even though an economic recovery was clearly apparent by 1934. the total spent on education fell from "111,302 or 6.36% of total revenue in 1930/31 to "92,313 Or 3.94% of revenue in 1937.

The Permanent Mandates Commission of the League of Nations took the British delegate to task in 1938 for what it considered an excessively low expenditure on African Education.

Another factor which impeded planned development was the rumours of the 1930s that Tanganyika would be handed back to Germany. This cloud on the horizon was not finally dispelled until the Colonial Secretary made a pronouncement on the subject in 1938.

Because of the Government's lack of resources and unwillingness to take a strong initiative in educational provision, and in pursuance of the G.I.A. policy, there grew up three racially distinct systems of African, Asian and European education with each of the three; subdivided into state controlled, state aided, and wholly private schools.

In the African sector for example in 1937, there were 9,500 pupils in Government schools, 19,500 in aided schools and 100,000 in private schools. These latter. were often sub-standard bush schools, catechetical centres or Koranic schools along the coast. It was not until 1955 that the Government required these kinds of schools to be registered.

In the same year, there were 985 places in Government schools for Indian children and another 3,318 in grant aided schools. The Indian community were quick to take advantage of the G.I.A. system and fulfil the requirements thus only 320 of their children were that year in private schools.

For the European community in the 1930s, the Government made direct provision in three ways. Arusha School, primarily for boarders, opened in 1934; a correspondence course was based in Dar es Salaam; and there was also a junior primary school in Dar es Salaam. The enrolment figures in 1937 show 59 children in the two latter, and 60 pupils at Arusha School.

There were in addition 704 grant aided places for European children, a significant proportion of these being in national community schools for the Dutch, German and Greek children. Another 15 places were in a private school. The above figures are taken from the enrolment statistics 1931 - 1948 in Appendix G.

There is another way of looking at these statistics and that is to see the percentage of children being- educated from each community. Listowell states that in 1933, 51% of the European children, 49% of the Asian and 2% of the African were at school.

By 1945 7.5%, of the African children attended school though few got beyond the fourth primary grade and none could attempt the entrance exam for tertiary study at Makerere in Uganda. By 1959, 40% of African children attended at least the first four years of primary education, and in 1961, 55% of the age group entered the first primary grade. The present Government of Nyerere aims at universal primary education by 1980. (The comparative cost per head of population has been referred to above and is detailed in Appendix J.)

In 1930 an Education Tax was introduced with the primary object of affording security to the Government for the repayment of loans made -to non-African communities. In 1932 the Indian and European communities were taxed for their education on a poll Tax basis and, in addition, fees were charged at their schools. Nevertheless the Government was making a far more generous per capita provision for European and Indian children than it was for African children. The table in Appendix J shows the total expenditure for each community and the per capita cost from 1931 - 1937. Also the table in Appendix K shows that in 1955/56, 33.7% of the money spent by the Government on European education was collected in fees, 15.4% came from -the European Education Tax and 49.1% from Central Revenue. In 1959. the central revenue provided for European Education an amount equivalent to 1% of the total territorial expenditure.

In 1956, "3,618,555 held by the Custodian of Enemy Property from funds collected from confiscated properties during the Second World Wart was distributed equally between the Tanganyika Higher Education Trust Fund for establishing tertiary education facilities, St Michael's and St George's School, a lavish secondary school for European children at Iringa, Indian education, and African education. This 4 way split seem superficially fair but as President Nyerere has pointed out, the allocation on a per capita basis was equivalent to shs- 720/- to each European, shs. 200/- to each Asian and shs. 2/- to each African.

A 1948 and 1949, the three existing education systems described above were formalized by two ordinances, the Non-Native Education Ordinance and the Non-Native Education Tax Ordinance. This legislation brought into being an Indian Education Authority and a European Education Authority, each composed of representatives of the communities they were to serve. They were responsible for the development and general over-sight of the systems, and for managing the education funds according to the budget approved by the Legislative Council. There was also an Advisory Committee for Other (non-native) Education, which included Goan, Mauritian, Seychellois, Anglo-Indian, and Ceylonese children.

What began in 1948 as a very minor offshoot of basic Government responsibility for the development of the country with only 8,000 Asian and 300 European children, had become by 1961 a major concern catering for 28,000 Asian and 2,500 European children.

1961, the final year of the separate racial organisation of education, the expenditure was "424,965 for European, "590,993 for Indian, "41,207 for other non native and "3,620,257 for African education. It was true that special taxation and fees provided a part of the expenditure on non-African education, that those parents contributed much to the general wealth of the country, and that the separate systems were comparatively modest. It was also true however that there was a far higher expenditure per pupil in the non-native schools and there were school places for virtually all non native children, but for only 44% of African children in 1,061 and only 20% of those could proceed beyond primary standard.

In 1955, Riddy & Tait had commended the smooth running; of the multiple system but noted that there was no attempt whatever at consultation or cooperation between the systems. They recommended that "the different systems would gain if there were, at the highest level some council or committee, composed of representatives of all the communities that live in the Territory, which could discuss and advise on matters of educational interest in the Territory as a whole." They recommended some exploration and thinking in the sphere of multi-racial education, and the formation of a professional society for all teachers. The latter recommendation was implemented in 1960 when the "Unified Teaching Service" was formed to unify salaries and conditions of service for teachers employed by various agencies.

As the movement for independence accelerated in the late 1950s, educational separatism became intolerable. In 1958, the Government announced that it had "accepted as an objective, the development of a single system of education for Tanganyika." This was defined as follows: "Any child should be eligible for admission to any school in the territory, if his aptitude for the language of instruction is such that he should be able to maintain his place in the school; provided that:

a. in the case of primary schools, priority should be given for a period of 3 years from the date at which the Non Native Education Tax ceases to be payable, to the children of the community for whom the school was established, and

b. the style of living at boarding schools should be appropriate for the community concerned".

It was also recommended that pending the implementation of the legislation, all schools should be encouraged to admit pupils of all races to vacancies not required by the community for which the schools were established. The legislation came into effect on lst January, 1962.

In Chapter 1, we have sketched briefly the entire history of formal education in Tanganyika from the first German settlement in 1887 to Independence in 1961. We have seen that much of the educational provision was made on the initiative of voluntary agencies with the Government coming in later to support financially, guide and finally control. This pattern is particularly true for European education where the Government seemed to be prevaricating and hesitant, knowing something should be done but uncertain as to what and how much.

We must recognise at the outset that at no time did Tanganyika have a significant and stable settler population similar to Kenya or Rhodesia. Census figures in 1912 show 3,579 Germans and 1,287 others including Greeks and South Africans; and even in the colonial "hey day" of 1957, there were only 6,170 aliens and 14,177 British. Approximately 90% of these were transient in the sense that they were in government service or in missionary or commercial enterprise; and European expatriates never numbered more than 1/5 of the Indians and Pakistanis in the country.

There was no question of providing for the children of settlers under the German colonial Government as either the settlers would have been unmarried or the children left in Europe.

The same was true in the first years of British rule when children were either left in Europe or sent to Kenya.

We have already noted - that while Byatt and Cameron were aware of the value of a settler population, their Land Ordinance and policy under the mandate did little to encourage widespread settlement. Nevertheless there were settlers and officials; and the Annual Report of the Education Department for 1925 recorded a feel of impatience and a sense of grievance among Europeans that the Government had not made provision for the education of their children. When the British chaplain in Dar as Salaam tried to organise a kindergarten school that year, his efforts were welcomed by the Government but he received no practical support. By the end of the year, 18 of the 59 British children in Dar as Salaam had left the country and the school was closed.

In 1927 a committee of ladies attempted in Dar es Salaam again to start a school for 35 pupils in a disused German Kindergarten building, and in 1928 this became the Government Junior European School, referred to in Chapter 1g and still operating today as the Bunge English medium School.

A dilemma for the Government is clearly apparent through the late 1920s. There was an obvious need for some provision for European children; the G.I.A. system was operating for communities who would help themselves; there was very little money in the Treasury, and the British colonial policy of self-reliance left a poor territory like Tanganyika struggling. An expenditure on a service like education would have a low priority and the demand for non-African education was no more than an irritating side issue Nevertheless the European community did pay taxes and, as we have said, its contribution to the economy of the country was out of all proportion to its numbers.

In 1930 the Annual Education Department report made the following comment: "The climatic, social and economic conditions combine to make European education one of the most difficult problems the department has to solve. There are 900 children under 16 years of age of 11 nationalities scattered through a country three times the size of U.K. (For the numbers involved, see Appendix G.) The language difficulties are further complicated by the obligations inseparable from mandatory government".

There was no question about the need but who was to take the initiative?

The Church Missionary Society from U.K. was one of the first missionary bodies in East Africa and it was Krapf and Rebman from its ranks who first sighted Kilimanjaro in 1859. Based on Mombasa, they established before 1900 a chain of mission stations in Kenya and inland Tanganyika while the Universities Mission to Central Africa undertook Anglican missionary work along the Tanganyika coast and on Zanzibar. In 1927, the Diocese of Central Tanganyika was carved out of the Mombasa Diocese as an independent entity.

The Church Missionary Society of Australia was given responsibility for this new sprawling Diocese. George William Chambers was consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury and appointed to take over existing C.M.S. work in the area and spearhead a new Anglican initiative for mission work in what was actually the whole of Tanganyika away from the coast and southern highlands.

En route from Australia to his consecration, Chambers toured his new Diocese and was impressed by the complete lack of pastoral or chaplaincy provision for the Europeans and the inadequacy of education for their children. His biographer quotes him saying in 1928

" " there was a feeling abroad that the church cared only for the African. One European who had. lost his wife was forced to lock up his young daughter in the house all day while he went to work. Another said, "You look after the Africans but don't care a jot for us Europeans�".

The Bishop was in fact most anxious to provide for European children, and when he was in Moshi, he conferred with the Director of Education. It was decided to recommend. to the Government that a school for European children be established at a cost of "15,000 of which the Diocese would be obliged to find half.

In fulfilment of this need, Chambers did three things. Firstly he raised funds in. U.K. for church buildings for the Europeans at Morogoro, Tabora, Kigoma, Bukoba, Arusha, Moshi and Mwanza. He also began to recruit chaplains from the U.K. for these churches. Thirdly he recruited from Australia a young couple, Mr. and Mrs. I. Boothe, who came to Tanganyika with him in 1928 to establish the first boarding school for Europeans.

Chambers arrived with 17 new recruits and at a conference in November 1928 the following was recorded: "The conference recommends to the Executive committee that a European school be opened immediately at Ngare Nairobi near Moshi in Mr, Geyer's house by Mr. and Mrs. Boothe, on the condition that, the Government pays the rent of "5 per month, and makes a grant of "50 toward necessary improvements, and that an application be made for a boarding grant for each European child in residence at this school. "

This was a very unspectacular and tentative beginning, but it was a beginning. There were in 1929 19 children living in rough and temporarily converted farm buildings; the area was remote and difficult of access; there was a problem of water supply and at night lions could be heard drinking such water as there was; the Headmaster was issued with a game licence so that he could shoot the school's meat supply and Boothe and his wife were in fact the only staff.

There were other problems too. Some of the fees were not paid., the settlers were unable to finance the scheme on their own and the mission was not prepared to underwrite it from its scanty resources for African work. Boothe apparently proved to be an unsatisfactory person who was unhappy living in such isolation, discontented with his personal allowance, critical of the Bishop and involved heavily in debt, both personally and in the school's finances.

This foray into non-African work was obviously not a success and after one year, the mission withdrew altogether from the school and re-allocated Boothe to a training college for native pastors. Boothe tried to transfer to the Government teaching service in September 1929, but was not accepted. He then resigned from the mission and was employed by the West Kilimanjaro Planters Association who took over the school in. January 1930.

This scheme of management did not work either, and in September 1930 the settlers appealed to the Governor who assumed direct control of the school. Boothe was then employed by the Government on a month to month basis until August 1932 when he was given 8 days notice of retrenchment and repatriated to U.K.

This first attempt had been unsuccessful and had left both the Government and the Mission in an embarrassing position. The school struggled on with men called Stowell and Feelie as Headmasters between 1931 and 1933. It is not clear from the records just when Boothe left the school or whether the other two men had successive or joint responsibility. (See Appendix N.)

A mission conference in 1929 expressed the hope that the Government of Tanganyika will adopt the same policy of cooperation with Missions with regard to European education as it does in regard to African education.

Various consultations were going on as to the need, type and best place for a now school. In 1931, there were 58 European children. in Northern Tanganyika receiving no schooling beyond private tuition at home, and the annual report stated the Government 's intention to build a new European school at Arusha in the Northern Province. In order to work this school as economically as possible, it was hoped to complete an arrangement with the Bishop of Central Tanganyika under which he would conduct the school as an agent for the Government. The staff appointed would be subject to the approval of the Government and. the working and management of the school would be under Government inspection.

It is apparent that after the abortive attempt in 1928, and with the stringency of the depression, plans were much more carefully laid. It was not until 1932 that the Governor, Sir Stewart Symes approached Bishop Chambers with a definite offer to build a "first class and modern school and equip it", if the Bishop would find the staff and manage it .

There is no doubt that this "new era of cooperation" between church and state was partly motivated by the shortage of Government funds; the mission teachers were paid approximately one fifth of the government rate.

The Headmaster Wynn Jones saw it more positively. He wrote, "The efficiency, finance and stability of a Government school has so often lacked the personal element and spiritual contact which is so necessary a part of all true education". The Bishop wrote in a quarterly letter, "It is essential that we should give Christian education to European children in this territory for they will be the future leaders. The white man cannot help being a leader here. The African imitates him in all he does and if we can inculcate the ideals of Christ in the lives of our white children, then Christian civilization is much more likely to come to this land". The Greek community promised support and the Bishop continued, "I hope the school will be a little commonwealth of nations including German, Dutch, and Greek children. If the boys and girls of these various communities learn to live, work and play together in school life, they will all the better be able to inform a united community in the future, having the welfare of all at heart and the spirit of esprit d'corps a reality among them!"

The Bishop also hoped that the school would bring the church into contact with Europeans in the territory and hopefully win sympathy from them in missionary work.

So at the request of the Government, Rev. William Wynn Jones was seconded from the mission, sent on early overseas leave and, having newly married, he moved in 1933 to the Ngare Nairobi school to prepare the nucleus there for the move to Arusha. Miss Martha Vance a missionary nurse was also sent on early leave, to return as Matron.

On 22nd May 1934, with Miss Vance as matron and Wynn Jones as Headmaster, the Arusha School opened in its "palatial buildings". It had been designed for 48 boarders, 24 girls and 24 boys, and 30 day pupils. It opened with 33 boarders, and by the end of the year the enrolment had risen to 41 plus 6 day pupils. (See Appendix F.)

Wynn Jones had come to Tanganyika in 1928 and at first held the appointment of Principal of a training college for African pastors at Kongwa. He won the respect of Government officials in the next years when he acted as a district superintendent of mission schools in his area. When he was transferred to open Arusha School, the secondment from the mission was meant to be temporary (some records mention two years); the mission reports from 1934 to 1940 list Wynn Jones and his wife at Kongwa station and Miss Vance at Mpwapwa with this comment in parenthesis, "Services temporarily lent to Arusha European School".

Agreements dated 26th January 1933 and 19th November 1936 (see Appendixes A and B) were signed between the Government of Tanganyika and the Diocese of Central Tanganyika. Under the terms of the agreements, the Government agreed to build and equip the school, maintain the buildings and pay staff salaries at mission rates. The Bishop would be Warden of the school with overall responsibility for its administration and welfare, and appoint the Headmaster and staff.

A school for expatriate children operated by missionaries who had come to the country to work with Africans was unusual to say the least and a salutary experience for both the settlers and the missionaries, What kind of school could we expect to emerge?

Would it resemble comparable schools in Kenya? Even today [1974], 11 years after independence, there are many expensive, exclusive and private preparatory schools in Kenya for expatriates and wealthy Africans. It is a matter of geographical accident that they happen to be in Africa as their staff, curricula and ethos are single-mindedly British, and they prepare pupils for the Common Entrance Examination

At Arusha School less than half the pupils were British and Wynn Jones believed that a school should be rooted in the host country while drawing on the best from overseas, rather than any one national system.

The School did not attract initially the children of Government and commercial officials who could afford an education in a boarding school in Britain, A group of such pupils from overseas and in contact with the outside world would have given a different tone and an academic stimulus to the school. The absence of such a group was regretted by Lace, the temporary Headmaster after Wynn Jones, who wrote in 1944: "The academic standard was not high and some failed to pass into Kenya schools. They then tended to stay on at Arusha. school: hence the number of older children, for parents were not keen to take children away at age fourteen," The school was subsidised by the Government and one result of this was that British parents, being able to pay more, tended to send their children either to one of the few private schools in the Territory or to Kenya. This was unfortunate as a larger British element would have been for the good of the whole".

Wynn Jones had a majority of pupils from the very isolated homes of farmers who were struggling to establish themselves. Many had never been to school before, and came from semi-literate or non-English speaking homes. When he first moved to Ngare Nairobi to prepare for the transfer to Arusha, the Headmaster wrote, "We have had our first contact with the serious repercussions which African life brings upon European children. The contact with house-boys and ayahs had left its all too penetrating mark on their outlook and customs, and it was seen ever more clearly how necessary it was to provide a new atmosphere and environment for white children living in this country."

Lace commented similarly in 1943: "What I wondered was whether I should ever succeed in inculcating a decent attitude to life among these strange, slap dash, un-English East African children".

One of the things the missionary teachers found most difficult was the attitude among many of the children that the white man was "Lord of creation", and that Africans were there to be ordered around at his pleasure. Even in 1970, children would drop papers in the school yard with the comment, "The boy (meaning the elderly African cleaner) will pick it up". This attitude is not unexpected in a colonial society; the significant point here is that the staff in the early years of the school were aware of it, and tried to do something to guide the attitudes of the children towards their "host" country.

Wynn Jones had no previous guide to academic standards; the children had little or no academic background; some were much older physically than mentally; and there was a wide spread of ages in each class. Right from the start children were entered for the Cambridge Junior and Preliminary examinations, though the Preliminary was dropped after two years.

The Headmaster wrote his own syllabus; and when Mbeya School (an equivalent boarding school in the south of Tanzania) opened in 1942, in buildings vacated by a German School, he went there to consult with the Headmaster; and what they submitted to the Education Department became a basic curriculum for European education in the Territory.

Wynn Jones gave the Swahili language an important place on the curriculum "so that the children would in the future be able to speak correctly to those who work for and with them". He was very proud of the fact that in 1941 the school gained the first 3 places in East Africa in a Swahili essay competition.

By 1938, the enrolment had risen to 73 and the Government let the contract for a 2 storied. dormitory block at a cost of "9,352. This was opened at the end of 1939 and doubled the number of boarding places available. Roughly one third of the pupils were British, one quarter Greek and the rest a mixture of twelve European nationalities. There were no secondary education facilities in Tanganyika for Europeans, but the Government paid for travel to and subsidized the fees at Kenya schools. An inter governmental agreement formalized this in 1943 for 90 pupils at a cost of "100 per place paid by the Tanganyika Government, with parents then paying in addition the same fees as Kenya parents. In 1950 the cost was fixed at "198 and in 1954 "270 of which the parents paid half; and grants of "50 and later "100 were paid for pupils who attended private secondary schools anywhere outside the territory.

A primary school was opened in 1951 with the Overseas Food Corporation Groundnut scheme at Kongwa; and when in 1954 the scheme collapsed and buildings were available, this became a full secondary school, it later transferred to new buildings in Iringa, in 1958 under the grand name of St Michael's and St George's School. Government expenditure on European education in the decade of the 1950s is detailed in Appendix K.

To prepare for entrance to those secondary schools pupils were entered for the Kenya Preliminary Examination (KPE) which was a selective secondary school entrance examination. But what was to be done with those who failed the examination, and whose parents could not afford to send them to overseas schools? The concept of "poor whites" in tropical Africa was politically unacceptable, and parents were not keen to take children away from school until they were employable. Some therefore stayed on at Arusha School to the age of 16 or more, and this of course compounded the disciplinary, social and academic problems with which the staff had to cope.

Wynn Jones was due to go on leave in 1939 and Col. A.F. Lace, on secondment from Monkton Coombe School in England arrived in September to take over from him. Because of the outbreak of war Wynn Jones was reluctant to leave, so for 2 months, the 2 men were joint Headmasters until Lace was called up for the Kings African Rifles and Wynn Jones continued until Lace was released from the army in June 1943.

To what extent does a headmaster leave his mark upon a school? In the case of the first two heads of Arusha School, who served the school for over 28 years between them from 1934 - 1964, the influence was considerable and each left his own indelible impression on the structure, organisation and ethos of the place.

It must be said right at the outset that Wynn Jones did not have outstanding gifts of organisation or administration. Also in the years 1940 - 42 he had been already nominated Assistant Bishop of the Diocese, there was a chronic staff shortage in the early years of the war when enrolments increased because many children could not return to Europe, and he was part time chaplain to the forces as well as Headmaster of the school. It is little wonder then that Lace found the school not well organised, only fair academically, and sloppy in discipline. In true military fashion he introduced daily physical education and tightened up the rules.

However, those who knew Wynn Jones comment universally on his gifts of leadership, personal magnetism and outstanding empathy with people.

The original school building, with 2 internal quadrangles, enclosed under one roof quarters for all staff, boys' and girls' dormitories, classrooms, kitchen and dining room with the headmaster's home on the first floor. It was quite literally a family unit with staff having all meals with the pupils, and the school kitchen even remaining open through the holidays for the teachers.

At a time when the British community had little social intercourse with European aliens, let alone Africans, Wynn Jones' home was open to all. There was a time during the war when some British residents reported him to the Governor as being anti-British, because he gave a bed to some passing German and Greek travellers.

Many of the pupils said, "He loved us like one of his own children", and stories abound about how he welded the school together as a family. One notable story comes from the day war was declared, He called an assembly of the school and while the children were moving in selected, apparently at random, the German children to retrieve his hat from the far side of the playing field. While they were away, he talked to the others, announced the declaration of war and said, "Here at Arusha School we have always been a family; we don't know what will happen in the future or what will become of our houses and families, but here, we are a family still and will treat each other that way".

His role as a loving, gentle man and a reconciler may be seen in the bridge-building he attempted between the communities. For example between 1934 and 1939 he organised an annual conference of teachers from the European schools in the Northern province. The conference was informal with no official status, but teachers from Arusha School, the 2 Greek Schools, 4 Dutch schools and. 2 German schools met together to read papers and discuss their problems.

He also organised and hosted an annual athletics competition between these schools. In 1937 he led a combined camp in Ngorongoro Crater for the Arusha School Scout Troup and the Hitler Youth Movement from the Oldeani German School. He wrote in the school log. "This was a genuine effort to bring the boys of different nationalities together and to stem what was becoming a very tense position in Northern Tanganyika. The Governor was in every way enthusiastic about the move". Inter-community contacts continued during the war and included children from the Polish school for refugees newly settled near Arusha.

Wynn Jones left in 1943 for a long overdue leave and a long overdue consecration as Assistant Bishop. Colonel Lace took his place for 18 months, then at the end of the war returned to England and Monkton Coombe. Rev. Neville Langford Smith, now Bishop of Nakuru in Kenya, was appointed Acting Headmaster in 1945 and held the post for 17 months. More details of the life of Wynn Jones are recorded in Appendix M

Enrolments had gradually increased during the war and in 1945, a new burst of optimism and enthusiasm for development brought new settlers, new commercial enterprise and the Overseas Food Corporation for the Kongwa Groundnut Scheme which proved abortive.

The school had grown well beyond the resources of the mission to staff it, and the need was felt for some kind of board to advise the Bishop in its management. The Diocesan Council recommended in 1945, "that a Board of Governors, be formed to advise and assist in the administration of Arusha School", and also asked the Bishop to bring before the Board of Governors when formed the urgent necessity of immediate action to secure adequate and efficient staff for Arusha School.

Another factor which became relevant was the attitude of the settlers. There had always been some antipathy between the missionaries and the settlers which Wynn Jones in a personal way had helped to alleviate, Nevertheless it was true that the Europeans had their own chaplains and churches and in the 1930s pressed for their own Anglican Province. A survey carried out in 1937 reported that non-missionary European opinion was "solidly in favour of a province and that as quickly as possible. This was governed partly be a desire to see these East African dioceses freed from what they would regard as missionary control. It would also be an opportunity of increasing British control, prestige and power, and in some cases the settlers would welcome this as a way of keeping both the missionary and the native in his place".

There was little wonder then that some of the settlers were unhappy about mission control of a Government school for their children. There was no direct or organised parental pressure, but at a meeting of parents, concern was expressed about the quality of the staff because teachers who accepted such low rates of pay could not possibly be good! Some letters to the press in August 1943 commented on the position, the following being typical: "The situation whereby the Diocese of Central Tanganyika acts as an agent for the Government in providing staff at lower rates of pay than the Government could offer, was accepted in 1933 as to best way of providing European education at the sort of price Tanganyika at that time was able to pay". Another letter from a parent in the same month said, "�t would appear that the Government is shirking its responsibility for European education at the expense of the missions."

Lace in his speech day in 1944 tried to answer these criticisms as follows: "The European population owes much to the Bishop, To some, the religious basis of the school can make no appeal. I am convinced that it is the only basis on which a school can really succeed. I have been happy to work under the Bishop and try to run the school on that basis".

There was a clash of opinion within the mission over the future of the school. Langford Smith, its Acting Headmaster, took a strong line in claiming that the school drained staff from the mission and so depleted the African missionary work. Others believed that once the commitment had been made, the mission should fulfil its obligation and use the opportunities it provided.

There were several consultations between the Diocese and the Advisory Committee on European Education and, in the end, a new agreement was reached. The details of it are in Appendix C and it may be summarized as follows:

"The Government will take over the management of Arusha School as from 1st January, 1946. The association of the Diocese with this school which it has managed on behalf of the Government since the school was built in 1933, was to be maintained by the appointment of the Bishop as Warden and Chairman of the School Advisory Council, by the appointment to the staff of a chaplain, and by consultation with the Diocese or its representative in U.K. when staff appointments are made. These provisions in the agreement had the full approval of the advisory Committee on European Education which expressed its high appreciation of the past work of the Diocese in connection with the school".

The church management of a Government school in 1934 was unusual, but understandable in the light of the depression economy and the existing policy with regard to voluntary agencies. It is less easy to understand the continuing influence of the church in the Arusha School management after 1946.

Arusha School was owned, financed and administered in exactly the same way as the Junior European School, Dar es Salaam, Mbeya School, opened in 1942, and Kongwa School, opened in 1951. The teaching staff were, in all four schools, Government Officers recruited through the Crown Agents in London; final responsibility rested with the Department of Education and, after 1949, the European Education Authority. The establishment of an Arusha School Council in 1946 may be seen as a forerunner of the Government's policy in the late 1950s to have local Boards of Governors for all Government schools so that the schools could more effectively relate to their community.

Be that as it may, it does not explain the appointment of the Bishop as Warden of the school and Chairman of the Board, the virtual right of the Bishop to veto the appointment of staff, the appointment of a Chaplain/Master at the Government's expense, and the Council itself which was theoretically appointed by the Director of Education, but in fact was made up predominantly of the Bishop's nominees. Even in 1970, more than half the Board of Governors were regularly worshipping local Anglicans. Bishop Stanway, Chairman of the Council and later of the Board of Governors from 1951 to 1971 claims that the rights of the church were exercised with great discretion; the fact remains that the rights did exist.

The first Government appointee as Headmaster was Cyril Hamshere (M.A. Cantab) who was born in East Africa and whose father Archdeacon J.E. Hamshere had been Principal of the Diocesan Training College for pastors and teachers up to his retirement in 1928, when Wynn Jones took over from him. The missionaries who withdrew in 1946 from the staff hoped that through Hamshere, a personal if no longer official link between the Diocese and Government would be retained.

The Headmaster was answerable to the Department of Education, and the School Council had no official role or direct authority. Their main function seems to have been to care for property, recommend maintenance, and extensions or addition, ensure that there was sufficient staff appointed and so on. With Dar es, Salaam 500 miles away and communications difficult, it is not unreasonable to expect that officials would be guided by a responsible local body and would take more notice of such a group than of direct representations from parents or requests from the Headmaster.

In 1952, when the Chaplain Casson resigned, the Council recorded its profound conviction that the appointment of a suitable chaplain-master to the staff of Arusha school "is of paramount importance in these difficult days in East Africa. In view of the importance of the post, no appointment should be made without consultation with the Warden of the School and the Director of Education".

In 1956, the Headmaster sought advice on the enrolment of a part Arab, part European boy and the Director of Education replied that "it would be inappropriate for him to be admitted. to an essentially Christian school". On the speech day in 1955, the Vice Chairman of the Council, A.T. Bewes, reminded the children of the well-founded Christian traditions of the school, which he hoped they would observe throughout their lives".

In assessing this unusual church/state relationship, we must recognise that even the total effort in European education was still a very minor part of the Department of Education's responsibility, that neither the Government nor the parents objected to the relationship continuing, that the power of veto over the appointment of staff was never actually used, and that the "religious life" of the school was not unlike that in a State school in Britain. It would appear also that the very presence of a School Council, a visible and tangible body, gave the school a stability and sense of continuity which was apparently lacking at Mbeya and Kongwa.

A new boarding block had been opened in 1939. The next building in 1949 was a lavish sanatorium with accommodation for 16 sick children, 4 isolation rooms, large outpatient treatment facilities and a nurse's flat. A temporary branch school in the former German School premises 100 miles away at Oldeani was opened in 1950 and remained open for two years; and in 1951 a new junior block came into use at the school. It included dormitories for 48, 4 staff flats, 3 classrooms, a common room, a kitchen, and a hall seating, up to 400 people. A new kitchen in the original school building was opened in 1954. Riddy and Tait described it as "exceptionally well planned", and it held in its basement a large maintenance workshop, handicraft room and stores. The graph in appendix F shows the rapid increase in enrolments in the early 19508 with a levelling out, but a gradual increase in the number of day pupils as Arusha town grew in the late 1950s.

After 1946, all staff salaries were paid from Dar es Salaam, all school accounts were paid from a Government vote by the local Revenue Office and fees were receipted with an exchequer receipt and paid into the Revenue Office.

The educational problems of the school were much the same as they had been in the 1930: and 1940s. Riddy and Tait summarized them as the lack of a clearly drawn. line of demarcation between the primary and secondary stages, a shortage of staff with specialised knowledge and experience, the dislocation caused by boarders who came without previous schooling, the wide range of ability in the command of English and the number of examinations for which students presented themselves: at best these had to be borne in mind by the teachers, and at worst they dictated the pattern of education which the school gave. On the other hand, Riddy and Tait commended a favourable staff-student ratio, the devotion of the staff, the interest which the European Education Authority and the parents;' took in the school, a full and happy boarding life and excellent facilities, with buildings and playing fields of which any preparatory school in the United Kingdom might well be proud!

In Chapter III above, Wynn Jones was delineated as a warm, friendly person who related well with a wide cross section of people and ran the school as a close knit family.

Hamshere by contrast had a much bigger enrolment, was answerable to the Director of Education, not directly to the Bishop for his management, had a rapid turnover of Government indent staff rather than a continuity of missionary personnel, and a bigger enrolment of the children of British officials.

Those who worked with him describe Hamshere as an efficient, rather impersonal man who was dominating and demanding with his staff. His nick name was "Old Pomposity" and one of his common greetings was, "I am Mr. Hamshere. I am the Headmaster". An amusing sidelight on his personality was the bell system he had connected to his study door. When a visitor knocked, a one bell-ring reply meant come in, two rings wait, and three rings go away!

It must also be said that his detailed organisation was for the benefit of the pupils and he always had their interest at heart. He knew what was going on in the classrooms, always taught some lessons himself, and did not remain aloof from the day to day activities of the children,

Some staff could not work with him and made no secret of the fact that they resigned because of the Headmaster. For example Miss Wilkin in 1949 wrote, "I am reluctant to come back for another tour under Mr. Hamshere, with whom I have had differences of opinion". But overall he was a good and powerful head who could gather loyal staff around him and work with them.

An interesting slant on the personality of Hamshere and the difficulties of adequately providing for the growing enrolments comes from the opening of a branch school 100 miles away at Oldeani in 1950. A teacher, Ryan, and his wife offered to run it because they found the prospect of having responsibility and being 100 miles remote from supervision attractive. When the Ryans were due to go on leave in 1952, a new master, Edmonson, and his wife arrived to relieve them. However Ryan considered them unsuitable to take over the "personal empire" he had built up, so he refused to hand over, locked the buildings and left for Arusha. Hamshere was not able to resolve the crisis: the Ryans went on leave, the Edmonsons resigned, and the branch school never reopened.

Hamshere was very defensive and did not accept criticism easily. In 1952, 6 members of the School Council had met privately with the Director of Education to complain about the Headmaster. When Hamshere came to hear about this he circulated to the Council a statement in defence of himself. He listed and countered the apparent objections which were:

a. that he objected to criticism;

b. that the school was not open to visitors;

c. that the standard of work was low;

d. that there was a lack of teamwork between the Headmaster and his staff.

The issue was referred to in the Council minutes 19/12/52, but had apparently been amiably resolved.

The concern of the School Council had been sparked off by a rather sharp inspectors report in 1951 which stated among other things that the students were backward in arithmetic, that the Headmaster and staff were not working well together, and that the Headmaster should spend more time checking fortnightly teaching reports and supervising the actual teaching in the classrooms.

There was no official parents' association in connection with the school, though a Tanganyika Parents Association did have representation on the European Education Authority and there was a local branch of it in Arusha. Hamshere had little time for parents who complained, particularly the parents of day pupils whom he tolerated reluctantly in the school.

The School Council recorded in 1951 the Headmaster's preference for an exclusively boarding school, and in 1960, when 27 parents of day pupils from Usa River, Tengeru and Oljoro, all about 10 miles away, petitioned that games be held earlier in the afternoons, they met strenuous opposition from Hamshere. He replied, "When a proposal for a separate day school was made several years ago, local parents turned it down; was this not a pity?" On the same issue of complaints from the parents of day pupils, the School Council reported in 1955 that the Headmaster was very defensive and stubborn.

In 1951 there had been criticism in the press about the standard of teaching at the school. The Headmaster answered this by explaining to the School Council that children from non English speaking homes had an undoubted effect upon the standard of education in the school, especially when the children themselves were unable to speak English when admitted. He followed this up 3 months later by repeating, "much has been done to allay ideas that the standard of education at this school is lower than it should be", though this comment does not seem to have satisfied the members of the School Council, who complained to the Director later that year (see above.)

Hamshere was always very conscious of his school's success in external examinations and the results feature prominently in his Speech Day reports and written records; he certainly reacted strongly when told that the Mbeya School results were better than his. The school log shows the following table for passes in the Kenya Preliminary Examination for entrance into Kenya Secondary Schools.

Avg. Age GIRLS Avg. Age BOYS

Number of Pases Number of Passes

1946 13.4 3/6 13.8 8/8

196 13.7 6/12 12.9 1/6

1948 13.3 15/20 13.2 12/19

1949 13.2 11/18 13.4 16/22

1950 12.8 9/17 13.5 7/11

When the long awaited secondary school for European children, St Michael's and St George's, opened at Iringa in 1958, there was jubilation that all pupils who finished Standard 7 could go there. However in 1959 a selection examination was introduced and, only 15 of the 36 applicants from Arusha were admitted.

At the Silver Jubilee Speech day in 1959, Hamshere said, "Our pupils go on to other school where they distinguish themselves occasionally for scholarship, quite often for games, and always for being worthy and reliable citizens. From schools in Britain, South Africa and East Africa we receive good reports of our boys and girls, which are worth more to me than any other gift of gold or precious stones".

In 1961, 14 children entered for the Tanganyika General Entrance Examination for secondary schools, which by this time was for all races. Only 3 of the 14 passed and Hamshere commented, "This was not surprising as most of the children were slow and backward".

One of the immediate effects on the, curriculum of the Government take over in 1946 had been that Latin was introduced as an alternative to Swahili in Grades 5 and 6. The teaching of Swahili had been important to Wynn Jones as he tried to identify the school with the community, but Swahili was completely removed from the timetable when the Chaplain/French Master Bryn Jones arrived in 1954. French was then taught to all from Grade 3 and Latin from Grade 5.

For all his strength and gifts, Hamshere was not an educational innovator. Many exciting things went on outside the classroom, but apart from local studies in the social studies curriculum of the lower grades, the impression is of rather formal, academic classroom instruction, with outdated and dull text books, though this may have been typical of his time.

While Hamshere found day pupils an annoying appendage to the school, it must be said to his credit that he provided for the boarders a rich and stimulating environment. It is worth listing here briefly the significant extra-curricular activities which feature in the school records.

In the very first years of the school, Wynn Jones organised students to level the playing fields and as soil was removed to top-dress them, a 15 metre swimming pool was dug. Swimming; became an important sport and recreational activity, and both a swimming gala and swimming sports day involving former pupils were held annually.

An important annual event in which Hamshere himself always took the lead was the climb of Mt. Meru (14,979') near Arusha. Some 12 to 20 trained and physically fit children made the climb and an attractive certificate was presented to those who "conquered".

A school sports day was held each year, usually in the presence of some distinguished quest such as the Governor and Lady Twining in 1955.There was also an inter school sports day against the Greek and Dutch schools, but no competitive sports with African schools.

Carols by Candlelight, begun by the music mistress in 1947,,became a significant even for Arusha town.

A Christmas play preceded the annual Speech Day at which the Warden or his deputy presented the prizes.

A proliferation of cups and shields, was accumulated from old students members of the School Council. These included

the Wynn Jones memorial scripture prizes,

the Rasharasha prizes for "dependability, helpfulness and behaviour",

the Ann Revington Cup for the best all round girl and

the Du Toit cup for the best all round boy;

there was a Selian cup for physical culture,

an Ann Hazel Cup for swimming.

House Shields for swimming and athletics carved by a blind African wood carver and house trophies for rounders, hockey diving, football, rugby, netball and cricket.

There were inter school visits and sports matches with Nairobi School and Mombasa Primary School.

An annual school magazine was published from 1955 to 1965, and

there were troops of Guides, Brownies and Scouts.

From fund raising within the school, horses were purchased in 1954 and 2 tennis courts built in 1958.

To commemorate the 25th anniversary of the founding of the school in 1959, a bronze plaque noting the association of the school with the Diocese was unveiled in Christ Church Arusha, a special thanksgiving service was held, and "2,000 was collected for a Silver Jubilee Library. Bishop Chambers, whose foresight in 1927 had set plans in motion for the school, came at the age of 83 to open the library.

In 1943 the school was the venue for a conference of translators of the Bible into Swahili;

in 1947 delegates to the Pan African pre-history congress were accommodated in the school;

in 1950 Lady Baden Powell the Chief Guide, and later that year Lord Rowallen, the Chief Scout, visited the school;

in 1956 Princess Margaret spent 15 minutes with. the pupils in the school hall while the Hellenic and Dutch schools were allowed to line the drive! A cupboard full of Union Jacks, kept firmly locked in these post Independence days, remains as memento of the occasion.

In 1961 a conference on the preservation of wild life was held at the school and included such distinguished guests as Sir Julian Huxley, Peter Scott, Professor Monet, Armand and Michaela Dennis and Dr. Grzimek.

In 1969 the Presidents of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania met in the school to establish the East African Community.

In spite of the rapid turnover of teachers, matrons and some pupils, a strong school spirit and tradition was established. This was contributed to materially by the continuity of the School Council and of senior staff members as exemplified by

the Headmaster 1946 - 1964,

Miss I. Brown, Senior Mistress 1949 - 61,

Mrs. Fischer, Senior Matron 1950 - 59,

Mr. R. Johnson 1952 - 59,

Mr. H. Jones, Second Master 1953 - 61,

Rev. B. Jones Chaplain and from 1963 Headmaster, 1954 - 69, and

Mr. J. Hazel 1956 - 63.

Such continuity, even if for only a small proportion of the staff, was most unusual for the Colonial Service. The Department of Education, the statistics for which are not reflected in the above staff sample, could say in 1957, "there is a high rate of turnover of staff and delays in recruitment and by the end of the year, there was not one mistress who had been them 3 years previously"

In 1944, 35% of the pupils were British, in 1945 37%; and in 1946 54% of 119 pupils were British. The balance included 20 Greek, 12 German, 11 South African Dutch, 4 Norwegian, 2 Russian and 2 Danish. By 1951 62% were British, 1955 74%, 1956 76%, 1959 71% 1961 65% and in 1962 60% of the pupils were British.

The TANU party which fought for and achieved independence was born in 1954 and in the 1950s them was a struggle between a growing nationalist movement and some settlers who were striving to retain their isolation and identity. When asked why the school was so self-consciously white, one of the staff from the 1950's replied. "Surely a few schools in the country could be set aside for only European children;" the school was a bit snobbish and colonial but after all some were the children. of colonial officials. The others had somewhere to go because the missions schools would just take anyone".

0n a candidate for admission in 1950, the Headmaster wrote to the Director of Education, "I wish to bring to your attention that this family is probably of Seychelles origin and I suggest that steps are taken to ensure that Peter Gemmel is of pure European descent" . The Director replied that some of the family were already enrolled and the Headmaster again wrote, "The cousins are not pure European but are not likely to attract attention to the fact. The 2 boys have both gone to the Prince of Wales School in Nairobi and there has been no trouble in Kenya. This does not mean however that their cousin is not of a darker hue, and in view of the somewhat illiterate letter written by the boy's mother, I strongly advise waiting until the production of a birth certificate and if possible, a report on the boys appearance".

It would seem the Headmaster could use his discretion over the admission of half-caste children, but in a well documented case in 1955 he chose to interpret the rules to the letter, and there was probably a clash of personalities between him and the father concerned. The case is worth quoting at length because of the insight it gives into the inter-racial relationships at the time.

On 29/8/55, the Director wrote to the Headmaster querying the possible admission of Jamie Mubarack as a day pupil because the father was of Asian stock and had not paid the European education tax. The father was well known as he was manager of the big "Safari Hotel" in Arusha. On 20/9/55, the Headmaster replied, "Mr. Mubarack has a Seychelles wife in Tanga without children, one other wife now divorced; a Polish wife who is the mother of the boy for whom he is seeking admission committed suicide a few months ago. The boy has been brought up as a Moslem, has an olive complexion and does not mix with European children in Arusha".

The Director replied on 17/11/55 asking if the boy was being brought up in a European life style, whether the father has been legally married to the boy's mother and whether the father paid the Asian education. tax? The Headmaster by this time was a little vexed that a direct "no" had not yet been given and that admissions were from that year controlled from Dar es Salaam in order to zone the Mbeya and Arusha intakes. He replied 24/12/55 that the father and son dress in a European style but are practicing Moslems, that the father was married by Moslem rites and paid the Asian tax. He continued, "The senior Provincial Commissioner agrees that he should not be admitted to a Christian school as other Asians who affect a European life style go to the Aga Khan school. It was previously the practice (before admissions were controlled by Headquarters) to require parents to certify that their children were of pure European descent. If this child is admitted, it could be taken as a precedent for other Asian Parents".

In January 1956, the father went to the Senior Provincial Commissioner to ask for an interview with the Governor. However the Director squashed the case by writing 24/1/56: "As the parents are Moslems, it would be inappropriate for Jamie Mubarack to be admitted to an essentially Christian school. Nor can it be argued that them are no other suitable schools available". Both of these seem very evasive reasons for a final refusal.

In 1949 Hamshere had taken a rather different line when a group of parents complained. that a scout rally had been held in the Arusha School grounds and that African scouts had been allowed to camp 100 yards from the girls dormitory and walk through the school building on a guided tour during the, day. He replied to their criticism by pointing out that parents obviously had no objection to the close contact of their daughters with African servants, yet they objected to their daughters sharing, the same school compound with secondary students motivated by the high ideals of the Boy Scout movement.

We have already implied that educational separatism became an intolerable concept in a country rapidly moving; towards African majority rule. (see Chapter I "The Integrated System".) How did a staff so conscious of its exclusive prerogative in European education view the impending integration in the late 1950s?

There are no comments on the subject in the school log staff meeting minutes or school Council minutes, However the Mbeya staff forwarded a memo to the Director of Education 3 years after the system had been proposed and 1 year before it had to be compulsorily introduced. As the Arusha staff were sent a copy of the memo, we may assume that they were sympathetic, but their attitude is not officially recorded.

�A large number of the staff of this school were specifically engaged as Masters or Mistresses of European education and it is difficult to see how the teaching of non-European children can be regarded as "suitable duties" for persons so engaged.

It would obviously set a dangerous precedent for any teacher to undertake any duties which are manifestly outside the scope of his/her contract, especially when such duties am imposed without any prior consultation.

Until the position is clarified, may we regard it as within our rights to refuse to teach non European children?"

Such an outspoken attitude expressed just before independence was hardly likely to win the sympathy of an Education Department caught up in a rapid Africanization and expansion policy. One wonders if the closing of the Mbeya school within three years and the conversion of the buildings to an African secondary school bore any relationship to the attitude expressed above.

In his reply, the Director of Education quoted from the legislation for the integrated system and reminded them that for three years from January 1st 1962, priority for admission would be given to the community for whom the school was established. He continued:

�It is true that most of the staff were engaged as masters and mistresses of European education and the posts for which they applied were advertised as teaching duties in Government European Schools. On the other hand the definition of a non-European school in the non-Native Education Ordinance is a 'School established primarily for the education of European children'; it is not by definition a school established exclusively for European children. The teaching of non-European pupils attending a European school would not therefore appear to fall outside the scope of suitable duties for your staff".

The only written indication of the "Arusha School stance", if there was one, came in the Speech Day remarks. In 1960 the Vice-Chairman of the School Council, A.T. Bewes expressed a common colonial attitude - independence is a good thing, in time, when they are ready for it, etc. - when he said, "... the rate of integration is a matter of proper timing and phasing and must be related to the conditions as they prevail from year to year. A too sudden or overwhelming implementation could have the most serious effect upon the standards and upon the ability of schools to absorb those children for whom they were originally established". In other words, not too many Africans yet, or the school won't be fit for our British children! The Headmaster at the same Speech Day expressed his doubts that he would have room for more than a few non-Europeans but, given that limitation, was prepared to "welcome the children of educated Africans who live on a European standard, and who speak English at home". In other words black Europeans.

The following year, Hamshere praised the moderation of the Government in allowing a 3 year grace period when European children would. have priority of admission: "It could only happen in this happy country," he said ecstatically, but by 1965 quite a different picture is painted: "we are black, we are brown, we are white. We are Christian, we are Moslem, we are Hindu. Between us, apart from English, which is the medium of instruction, we can speak 20 different languages. But despite these differences, we live happily together. We are really a united nations without belonging to this bloc or that block".

Hamshere who hesitantly and reluctantly brought to birth the new multi-racial era left in 1963 with many of his staff recruited by the colonial government and the Chaplain-Master Bryn Jones, took over as Headmaster.

By all accounts, he was an easy-going, good-natured tolerant person who didn't exert himself much, but got on well with parents and teachers. His speech day comment above is typical of the man.

It would be easy to be critical of a rather slack administration and falling academic standards in the latter half of the 1960s. However Jones had to cope with a rapid turnover of temporary and part time staff, with only a nucleus recruited through the Ministry of Overseas Development and the British salary supplement scheme; He also had a pioneering job in uniting races who up to then had been, socially, mutually exclusive; he had two sons of President Nyerere and other children of Government Ministers until the Arusha Declaration in 1967 steered Tanzanians back onto the course of socialism and Swahili medium education; and all of this at a time when the very presence of an expatriate was a touchy and uncertain thing in Tanzania.

The fact that the school remained open at all as an English - medium primary school with the same staff/pupil ratio, standard of boarding; catering, etc. as before, and the fact that the school was welded into a happy, tolerant and united community must bear tribute to Bryn Jones style of management and personality. English - medium schools such as Lushoto, Moshi, Mbeya and others were closed or converted to Swahili - medium during this period.

The plan to integrate the three-tiered education structure was clear and necessary, but when it came to the point that the European Education Authority was to be abolished, the question then was, who would finance and manage the school?

The Permanent Secretary of the Department of Education, Cameron, called Bishop Stanway as Chairman of the School Council and a member of the European Education Authority to Dar es Salaam in July 1961 to discuss the existing agreement (Appendix D) between the Diocese and tile Government with regard to Arusha School. He particularly queried the clause in the agreement stating that the school was for European children, the new responsibility of local authorities for primary education, the membership of the School Council and the continued appointment of a Chaplain-Master.

As a result of this and other meetings, the school reverted to a status similar to that of 1934. The Government would continue to own the build", approve the rate of fees and overall expenditure, and directly employ some of the staff. It would in addition pay a grant-in-aid for an approved establishment of teaching; staff and matrons and give a grant for equipment on to same basis as a Swahili - medium school. Management responsibility for collecting fees, employing local staff etc. was vested in a Board of Governors appointed by the Minister of Education with the Bishop of the Diocese as ex-officio chairman. The agreement. is detailed in Appendix E. What happened in fact was that the former advisory School Council was given full management powers within certain guidelines laid down by the Government.

By the end of the 1960s, British aid no longer flowed to Tanzania, the. salary supplement scheme dried up and with it the source of British teachers. The last under the scheme arrived in 1968. The school was still operated as before with the modification of a multi-national intake and a heavy reliance on local and part time staff. However full time expatriates were still needed. So in 1969 a C.M.S. Missionary, Miss G. Allen joined the staff on temporary Government terms and the cheap labour force began to return. The clock had turned full circle.

AN AGREEMENT made the 26th day of January 1933 between Douglas James Jardine, Companion of the Most Distinguished Order of Saint Michael and Saint George, Officer of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire, Chief Secretary to the Government of Tanganyika (hereinafter referred to as the "Government" which expression shall include the person for the time being holding or acting in the office of Chief Secretary) for and on behalf of the Government aforesaid of the one part and GEORGE ALEXANDER Chambers D.D., Bishop of Central Tanganyika, acting on behalf of the Diocese of Central Tanganyika (hereinafter referred to as the "Diocese") of the other part -

AN AGREEMENT made the nineteenth day of November 1936, between HENRY CHARLES DONALD CLEVELAND Mackenzie-Kennedy, Companion of the Most Distinguished Order of Saint Michael and Saint George, Chief Secretary to the Government of Tanganyika (hereinafter referred to as the "Government" which expression shall include the person for the time being holding or acting in the office of Chief Secretary) for and on behalf, of the Government aforesaid of the one part and GEORGE ALEXANDER Chambers, D.D., Bishop of Central Tanganyika, acting on behalf of the Diocese of Central Tanganyika (hereinafter referred to as the "Diocese") of -the other part:

SUPPLEMENTAL to an agreement made the twenty sixth day of January, 1933 (hereinafter referred to as the "principal agreement") between the parties hereto.

AN AGREEMENT made the 15th. day of January 1947 BETWEEN Ernest Rex Edward Surridge, Companion of the Most Distinguished Order of Saint Michael and Saint George, Officer of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire, Chief Secretary to the Government of Tanganyika (hereinafter referred to as the "Government" which expression shall include the person for the time being holding or acting in the office of Chief Secretary) for and on behalf of the Government aforesaid of the one part and George Alexander Chambers, Bishop of Central Tanganyika, acting on behalf of the Diocese of Central Tanganyika. (hereinafter referred to as the "Diocese") of the other part

AN AGREEMENT made the twenty eighth day of February 1959, Between Arthur John Grattan-Bellew, Companion of the Most Distinguished Order of Saint Michael and Saint George, Chief Secretary to the Government of Tanganyika (hereinafter referred to as "the Governor which expression shall include the person for the time being holding or acting in the office of Chief Secretary) for and on behalf of the Government aforesaid of the one part and "the Right Reverend Alfred Stanway, Bishop of Central Tanganyika" on behalf of the Diocese of Central Tanganyika (hereinafter referred to as "the Diocese") of the other part.

The following order made by the Minister of Education under section 12 of the Education Ordinance,. 1961, hereby published for general information.

. . .

Title 1. This Order may-be cited as the Board of Governors Arusha School Order, 1965.

The Diocesan Council places on record its thankfulness to Almighty God for the life and ministry of the Right Rev. William Wynn-Jones M.A, Second Bishop of Central Tanganyika, born at Swansea, Wales in 1900. He went to Australia as a young man and took his M.A. at Sydney. He was on the Staff of Trinity Grammar School, Dulwich Hill when he was ordained in 1925- He came to the newly formed Diocese of Central Tanganyika in 1928 and soon after arrival. was appointed Principal of the C.M.S. Huron Teachers Training College, Kongwa and District Superintendent, Kongwa/Mpapwa.

From his earliest days he had a great sympathy with and burden for the down and out and lonely Africans, town stiffs and jail birds, and sometimes took them. on as houseboys simply to help them. He wrote "Barua za Msafiri" dealing with the problems that young men away from home would have to face. It had a wide sale.

In 1950 he was appointed Education Secretary which gave him contact with the Department at Dar es Salaam. In 1933, he married Ruth Minton Taylor, a mistress at the Mvumi Girls School who came out in 1931 and throughout the years that followed she was his devoted helpmate, who with their own 4 children to look after, nevertheless had a great care for the Europeans and Africans among whom she and her husband worked.

When the Arusha school was planned, the Governor, Sir Stewart Symes, especially asked for Mr. Wynn-Jones as first Headmaster, which position he took when the school was, opened in 1933. For the next 10 years he exercised a wide influence over European children and parents but his love and care for Africans never waned. In 1934 through a bequest from an African, Jackson,, whom. he helped during his final illness, he opened Jackson House at Arusha as a hostel. for passing Africans. In 1939 he was appointed Chancellor of the Diocese.

In the 1939-45 was he was Chaplain to the forces and he had a never-ending care for soldiers wherever he met them. He would take services in 3rd class carriages as he travelled on the railways and might often be seen with his head bowed in prayer with an African soldier just wherever they happened to have met. In 1943 he was consecrated as first Assistant Bishop and as such travelled widely among troops in North Africa and Palestine. On return from his consecration by the Archbishop of Canterbury, he was appointed District Superintendent Mvumi. In 1945, he was appointed Vicar General and in 1947 second Bishop of Central Tanganyika on the retirement of the Right Rev. G .A. Chambers D.D.

During his short episcopate perhaps his greatest single pre-occupation was the development of a ministry to the Groundnut Scheme workers - both black and white at Kanwgwa and Urambo, and his final illness was precipitated by his getting up from bed with a broken arm to open the Church built by the Europeans at Kongwa. He died at Dar es Salaam on the 29th of May, 1950.

He will be remembered outstandingly as one to whom to a superlative degree people mattered and whether at home or travelling in his own diocese or visiting an adjacent Diocese and whether in mud or grass huts, out in the bush, or on the mountains or whether in trains or on the back streets of the big town, he was. ever seeking and saving that which was lost.