Name ID 88
Jeannette Hanby met David Bygott as zoologists studying primate behaviour at the University of Cambridge, England. After their marriage they went to Serengeti National Park to continue the long term Lion Project. As part of their work on comparing lions in different habitats they extended the study into Ngorongoro Crater. Their four years of field work in Tanzania convinced them that they should do more to help conserve the fabulous and important wildlife areas in the country.
After writing up their lion work, producing a popular book and lecturing abroad, they decided to return to Tanzania and devote themselves to conservation and education. Jeannette contributed her energies and time to MALIHAL, which means 'living wealth' in Kiswahili. She helped establish this conservation education program for the young people of Tanzania, under the sponsorship of Tanzania National Parks, the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, and outside donors.
Meanwhile David taught wildlife ecology at the University of Dar es Salaam. After two years they decided they could more effectively achieve their aims by starting their own business to produce much needed materials for local people and visitors. They have participated in the production of guidebooks, newsletters and magazines and continue to produce work of educational value and beauty.
Packer, Craig The Lions of Ngorongoro Crater
Page Number: d
Extract Date: 1972-75
By 1972 the population was reported to have recovered to its former levels and was distributed among three prides and by 1975, the Bygotts reported lions on the crater floor dispersed among five prides.
Packer, Craig The Lions of Ngorongoro Crater
Page Number: b
Extract Date: 1975-1978
Each lion on the crater floor between 1975-1978 had been carefully catalogued on an ID card by the previous wife and husband research team of Jeannette Hanby and David Bygott, with one side of the ID card containing a series of closeup photographs, and a stylized drawing of the lion's face one the other. The drawings emphasized markings on an individual's face including scars, ear notches, and the whisker spots on either side of its muzzle. Whisker spots are the Morse code of lion identification -- a permanent signature of each individual which is present at birth and never changes -- and as unique as a human fingerprint.
1981 Publishes: Hanby, J and Bygott D Lions Share
1984 Publishes: Bygott, David Birds of East Africa: An unreliable field guide
1990 Publishes: Hanby, Jeannette & Bygott, David Ngorongoro Conservation Area
Borgerhoff Mulder, Monique, and Wendy Logsdon (Editors) I've been gone far too long
Extract Author: David Bygott and Jeannette Hanby
Page Number: 263
FPCN = Friends of Peoples Close to Nature
From 17th March until the 7th of April 1997, Richard Rainsford and Jane Lang, both of FPCN England and Hartmut Heller from FDN Germany, visited their friends the Hadzabe, around lake Eyasi, in northern Tanzania. Our trip began from Arusha and headed north west via Karatu from, where we left the road that circumnavigates the Ngorongoro crater national park and headed south west to Mongola.
At the southern end of Mongola were the first Hadzabe community we stayed with. In this place the traditional lifestyle of the Hadzabe can no longer continue due to the proximity of the neighbouring settlement. The main reason for their needing to be in this place is the fact that the Matete (Chem Chem) spring located 2 km to the south is the only source of spring water coming from the crater from 20 sq. kilometres. Not to long ago the area was traditionally a watering hole used by the Hadzabe. But now with the assistance of white expatriate settlers and the establishment of the newly formed village councils, the Hadzabe are not even allowed to go to the watering hole, unless FPCN representatives are present. We gave them three 20k-bags of maize over our visit and refused to pay the requested 2000 TSh for camping at the green site in sympathy for our friends.
The warden called over the chairman of the village council, Julius Meruss (Barabaig ), chair of the Qangndend village council, PO Box 255, Karatu, Tanzania. During the discussion it was learnt that the Hadzabe were allowed to go to the waterhole when the village council and warden had arranged a party of tourists to watch them sing and perform. It was quoted that while a 20 strong tourist group were paying 300,000 TSh to the council, for filming, only 10,000 TSh would be paid to the total 500 Hadzabe community. Julius Meruss told us that the village has a 25 counsellor committee with not one Hadzabe. When asked about this, Gudo Mahiya, a respected Hadza spokes person said "we are not interested in changing our culture to conform to the policy of the aggressors". He added "that even in Arusha there were some 250 counsellors, but still the Hadzabe have no representation, or wish to have". He does though want to go to Arusha to protest about the council here". "He went on to say they are charging the tourists while not giving the Hadzabe any of this income or allowing them access to the water". When asked about farming and cattle he said "we do not want cattle, just wild animals to hunt and water that we can drink".
FPCN International asks "Is it right that a people should be driven into extinction just for not wanting to change and adopt the western mentality of profit and greed driven motives". Needless to say we continued refusing to pay the campsite fee for visiting and giving humanitarian aid to our friends. Even after Police were called by the 'campsites' (Barabaig ) warden, Momoya Muhidoti of PO Box 120 , Karatu, Tanzania the police couldn't believe why they had been called and laughed about it at the end with us. Two other officials that were in attendance were Alfred Ligubi, District Commissioner of Karatu district, PO Box 5 Karatu, (Tel. 32) and Fready B. Meope, Assistant Officer Commanding, Karatu Police Station, PO Box 155, Karatu (Tel 9). Alfred said "he had no problem with what we were doing only that next time this could be prevented by writing to his office in advance and he would issue us with a letter that explained to all concerned the purpose of our visit". It was agreed that on the next visit this would be done in advance. The protest was felt and noticed and FPCN International advises any visitors to the Matete spring to do likewise, until such time as the Hadzabe are allowed full access to the water as are the dozens of cattle that are brought to the spring each day.
"One to thirty, was the ratio of game over cattle" a figured quoted by one of the occupying expatriate settlers, Ms Jeannette Hanby (Mama Simba) who lives with David Bygott in abstract denial over the rights of the Hadzabe. They can be written to at S.L.P. 161, Karatu, Tanzania. The ecologists Bygott and Hanby live on sacred Hadza ground but they deny that the Hadza have ever inhabited the area around the only spring fro 20k. Something that only a visit to the area will clearly show is a statement if denial.
There are three situations that FPCN International was asked by this community to communicate and present to the international community:-
CASE 1 Enslaved Prostitution
Through the middlemen, European priests and "sisters". Sabina's sister Mele Abande and Salibogo's daughter along with many others have been tricked into prostitution by being taken to Arusha with the promise of work. Only to find themselves enslaved in prostitution. FPCN proposes to act on the wishes of the Hadzabe and bring all held Hadzabe woman back to their homeland.
CASE 2 Enforced Schooling.
There have been times when the military has searched for Hadzabe children hiding in the bush to escape the duty of being schooled. Hadzabe girls often complain about being raped by the teachers in Endamaga school. This happens even with Hadzabe mothers. Later the Hadza girls are compelled into prostitution. FPCN has previously been successful taking back some of these unlucky girls to their bush homestead and families. But if caught again these school escapees have to fear severe corporal punishment. This kind of discipline is very common in these schools. When asked, all but maybe a handful of the brainwashed Hadzabe say that this schooling has a negative effect on them and they say is of no benefit to them. Some Hadzabe have even been taken to colleges in Dar es Salaam. Currently they are all without jobs and are now even more frustrated and irritated. They now also behave as being uprooted from their own society. One really must, when considering this difficult issue, try and not see it from our western educated stand point. For these people that are not even on the bottom rung of the surrounding social hierarchy, what use is learning English or reading Swahili or even mono agriculture for that matter. Quite clearly the only benefactors, would be there greatest emery, the manufactured and western propped up government of Tanzania and the countries they export to, on condition of aid.
CASE 3 Bad Religion.
Many times white parsons tried to baptise the Hadzabe and to destroy their admirable traditional beliefs and lifestyle. FPCN tells the Hadzabe that these missionaries are just business men who often have accumulated quite some wealth from their job. The hatred against these strangers grows among the Hadzabe. FPCN stands ready to sanction and assist with the burning out of churches on Hadzaland in following, with the similar successful explosion that occurred at Sanola.
After two days with them there it was decided to go down the eastern side of the dried out Lake Eyasi, to attempt, a trip around the lake in a clockwise direction. The intention being to visit the Hadzabe communities on the west side. Approximately 40k down the eastern side we stopped to visit and give food to what appeared to be the least well off community so far. This clan at Kambia ya Simba had the unenviable disposition of sharing a green and stagnant waterhole, some three hours walk, with the surrounding Barabaig ,s cattle. Even one of our party, a neutral journalist from Norway, Arild Andersen, found himself infested with worms after drinking from the source. It was clear to us all that most of the Hadza children had permanently to endure the same affliction. Whilst there were several hunting trips were made to ascertain the level of available game, that these people largely depended on. The only recorded sighting in their region was a couple of dik dik (Small dog sized mammals) to feed a population of around 200. The result was is these people are solely dependent on the gathering of the three types of berries they are lucky enough to have around them.
After two attempts to go south around lake Eyasi and being forced back by rain it was decided that a visit to important camps around Sanola. On first impressions Sanola didn't appear to be as welcoming as the previous camps. That was explained later due to the work of anti-traditionalist's like Bruce, a CUSO field worker, that had just the week before with Shanny the district game warden from Embola, been hunting in the area. We were also told that Momoya Muhidoti, the "camp site warden" at Chem Chem, from Mongola had also recently been with Arab's and Germans illegally hunting in the area. Proof of this was in the signed visitors book. It is also know by the inhabitants of Sanola that Bruce is responsible for the killing of the last Rhino in this area. A nice achievement for an aid worker! During his visit, the week before, Bruce had discussed with the Hadzabe how they had stopped all white trophy hunting in the area. FPCN says that is quite an accomplishment when you take into account that there really isn't any game left to hunt.
Sanola now, once rich in wild life, game and fresh water now has none. The displaced Barabaig herders with the expanding livestock numbers have completely taken over the water resource. The river a bit like lake Eyasi is in the main dried out, during the dry season. The Barabaig have erected small dams and water traps for their livestock, creating the same polluted water, not fit of human consumption, found at Nut//ko. FPCN finds this quite intolerable because it is not even a short term solution. FPCN asked and explained to the Barabaig that this can not continue. It is feared though that more than requests will be needed to persuade them to use only some of the available water holes. Methods of persuasion will be discussed, agreed upon and action taken.
FPCN says "We were all so alarmed to discover that these small communities had become so dispossessed by the ever increasing encroachment of the Barabaig settlers and cattle, onto their homeland. But the Barabaig are not the only intruders, the Maasai were also bringing more and more cattle into the region as a result of their expulsion from the Ngorongoro crater, to make way for a dollar earning national park".
The overall effect has been so devastating that the game the Hadzabe were dependant on have all but been decimated or moved off. Add to this the adverse effects on the few water holes, infected with amoebas by the cattle and you are left with a population worm infested and dependant on berries for their moisture and nourishment. The net effects were clear in the blown up stomachs and infections suffered by the children.
Is it therefore the underlying policy of the Tanzania government to only allow wild animals to be kept inside the national parks ? Rather than they feeding her people, she can profit from the tourist dollar. In the meantime, if your not contributing in some way to the countries economy, producing something for export, you deserve nothing more than, the right, to die in silence. Tanzania this is the impression you have left me with. I do hope that I am wrong.
In conclusion; it is the opinion of FPCN International that the biggest single detrimental affect that is dispossessing the Hadzabe of their livelihoods and homelands is the western worlds model of nation building, with its universally adopted legal system. Readers are asked to contribute to FPCN's petition to the Tanzania government. Hopefully then they will begin to see the value they have in their cultural heritage, before it is to late.
FPCN asks all interested groups and individuals to write to all mentioned in this report and ask them how their conscience is and whether they are interested in the survival of this culture and community.
Written by Richard Rainsford FPCN England.
Bertram, Brian Lions
Page Number: 8
Much of what is known about the life of lions in the wild has come from long term studies of them in the Serengeti National Park in Tanzania. Starting in 1966, George Schaller, then I [Brian Bertram], then David Bygott and Jeanette Hanby, and then Craig Packer and Anne Pusey, and several associates, have been able to keep tabs on the fortunes of individually recognized lions and their prides for over 30 years. There have been few other studies of individual wild animals that have been going so long, or that have yielded so much information,
Hanby, Jeannette Help the Hadza?
Extract Date: 2000
Working independently in African wildlife conservation for many years, a group of dedicated researchers, tour operators and conservationists came together and pooled their resources and experience to form Tanzania’s best hope for preserving one of Earth’s last remaining edens. Tazama!Trust founder Kim Ellis-Josch teamed up with former Serengeti Lion Project researchers Jeannette Hanby and David Bygott to develop a more holistic approach to conservation. Joined in their quest by wildlife scientist Melly Reuling and the Peterson Brothers of Dorobo Safaris, they address the problems arising from the pressures of developing Africa and the effects on its people, environment and wildlife. Helping communities living in wilderness areas take charge of natural resources, Tazama!Trust works to empower Africans to save and protect endangered treasures for future generations.
'Help the Hadza?' by JP Hanby, 2000
Two Hadza men, in temporary alliance, came to ask us for some help. Written on their note was: 'Pleas can you help us about drawing picture of Hadzabe life. This is because we want our Right and our Land.' Signed: Naftal Zengu and Gudo Mahiya. PS. (from Naftal) 'I need help of lift to Karatu'.
Naftal wanted us to do a logo and pictures for his proposal to start a non-governmental organization, the 'Hadzabe Survival Organization' - a vague document about human and land rights. Gudo was being unusually supportive of Naftal’s proposal - he usually scoffs at paperwork and people who use 'blah blah'. Naftal insisted that the NGO was needed in order to raise and receive funds for certain Hadza to carry on political activities including going to International Conferences. It was not at all clear how the organization would 'help' the Hadzabe who still live out in the bush.
It was easier to help Naftal with the lift. On the way up the rocky road he and I had a spirited discussion about the Hadzabe. There are but a few hundred of these traditional hunter-gatherers living in their wild homelands around the Eyasi Basin. Whether they will survive as a cultural unit or get absorbed by their more numerous neighbours is always a topic of concern. The basic question is cultural survival. In this particular case, can people who gather wild foods survive under pressures from people with agricultural and livestock keeping practices? Are these different lifestyles compatible? If incompatible, is the hunter-gatherer lifestyle doomed? Realistically, can anything be done to 'help' them retain land and lifestyle? Or should one 'help' them change their ways?
A widespread assumption is that the hunter-gatherers - nowadays called foragers - do not want to change. In the Hadza case this assumption may not be completely valid. I have asked several which they would rather have, the random bag of grain from 'donors', cash and t-shirts from tourists, free housing, hoes and seeds from the government, or their homeland protected from outsiders so they could continue to gather fruits, tubers and honey and hunt wild animals. After pondering, the answer usually is: 'All of it'.
Development often means degradation, and as we lurched up the gullied road, the ravages from charcoal burners and meagre maize farmers made us qustion where there was any 'land' left for the Hadza to have rights to. Suddenly besides the road appeared a small group of Hadza. They came out of the bush complete with their bows, arrows, babies, and bags of freshly gathered wild fruits. We stopped. Naftal wanted to tell them about his proposed organization and how much they needed the help. They looked totally bemused. The contrast between Naftal in his western-style clothes and the Hadza group in their earth-toned rags was dramatic. So too their postures, the lithe family group loose and ready to walk, Naftal gesticulating like a man in Hyde Park, in shoes made for carpets and conferences. You would never have known that they were from the same tribe except that they were all using the same click-filled Hadza language.
Naftal went onwards to the other side of Hadzaland, where he continues to promote his own view for Hadza development, for settling down, mainly in his appointed village of Mongo wa Mono where he feels the Hadza should become Christians as well as farmers. After coping with chores in the burgeoning town of Karatu, I rocked back down the long dusty road. At the little oasis near Eyasi which we call home I found Gudo still there. He was waiting to be 'local guide' for some tourists. He represents the other view of Hadza development, expressing the vague hope that they can retain their old ways in spite of profound changes to their homeland.
Among Gudo’s many endeavours, from beekeeping to tour guiding, he has put together some of the traditional stories of his people (see box story). Because of his skills and even temper Gudo has been an essential informant, translator and helper of many visitors. He is both tolerant and sceptical about people’s aims. He frowned and said 'What do we Hadza want with this NGO run by Naftal. Does it help us to have Naftal and those other Hadza go to these conferences in Geneva or wherever? Maybe it helps them. Maybe it helps the conference, but what about us?'
It is a hard question to answer. Does advertising the Hadza in films, articles, on the internet, at conferences do anything more than promote simple sympathy and curiosity on the part of oursiders? Gudo wanted to know specifically about an article written recently about the Hadza in an East African wildlife magazine. At my suggestion, the author had used Gudo as a guide on his two day excursion through Hadzaland. This led to an article with Gudo as hero or victim who laments the loss of homeland. I tried to translate it for him from the English to Kiswahili. Gudo was distressed at the article’s superficiality. He suggested that I write something to tell about the current Hadza situation - a plea to other people for understanding. So here I am trying to 'help' the Hadza by sketching out for you the confusing and chaotic nature of help in Hadzaland. Bear with us, the Hadza are worth a little understanding.
Much has been written about the Hadza but there seems to be little widespread knowledge about them. And that goes for inside as well as outside Tanzania. Most of the information available is hidden away in myriad reports and obscure articles written by researchers, government officers, charities or aid agencies. Although there is quite a large body of anthropological work published there is no major book or report or monograph on these people since James Woodburn’s work in the 60’s. (Woodburn, at the Dept of Anthropology in London School of Economics, continues to visit and publish about the Hadza concentrating on social aspects.)
Research on the Hadza continues. A team headed by Nicholas Blurton-Jones at UCLA with colleagues Kristen Hawkes and James O’Connell at the University of Utah have come repeatedly and send students. Archeologists also find the traditional Hadza useful for insights in the way humans might have lived in the past. Most of the recent work emphasises the importance of the Hadza in their ecological context and tends to focus on particular questions - workers gather data on topics such as how much food grandmothers or fathers actually provide to their relatives. Studies of the Hadza people have provided disparate and important data for many discussions and articles on themes from nutrition to menopause. (for one example see New Scientist, 7 Feb 98 pg 14)
The worth of the traditionally living Hadza to the academic community is great. So what have all the researchers learned over the years? The following is a sample from hours I have spent with the Hadza, talking to researchers and reading many reports and papers (for some references see: http//www.gseis.ucla.edu/facpage/blurtonjones.html)..
Who are the Hadza? They call themselves Hadzabe (had-za-bay), Hadza for short. Most of the Hadza are short too (160 cm on average), but a few, like Naftal, are tall, because some Hadza have intermarried with other peoples. Although their appearance is not a distinctive trait, their language is unique in the world and their lifestyle is now as rare as digging sticks are at your local market. Probably less than 1000 people still speak the Hadza language - which is not closely related to the Khoisan click languages of southern Africa, the language family that includes the !Kung - it seems to be unique. Many fewer than 1000 Hadza speakers still roam the semi-arid bushlands around the Lake Eyasi basin of western Tanzania (see map).
Eyasi is a large soda lake; dry for most of the year (until El Nińo filled it up this year). To the north-west is a steep escarpment, part of the Great Rift Valley system. A few Hadza live on top of this Eyasi scarp and have access to Serengeti and surrounds. But the heartland of the Hadza’s once extensive range is the grassy Yaeda Valley and wooded Kidero hills to the east and south of the lake. Here there are rocky mountains and valleys, small springs and stretches of seasonal marshland. Rainfall over the whole area is normally low, about 300mm to 600mm (similar to southern California). Trees grow slowly and have lots of thorns. There are huge baobabs with nutritious seeds and homes for bees. Bushes are often laden with delicious small fruits. It is an area of stark beauty. And to the Hadza, bountiful.
Remarkably, the lifestyle of many Hadza today is very like that reported by early visitors. The Hadza men still hunt, especially at night from blinds and in daytime from walking about. Women and children still forage for wild food. Honey is still traded with neighbours for tobacco, iron, clothing and cooking pots. The Hadza still live in small kin groups and move frequently. They still tell stories around their campfires; they still live in camps. Shelters built of sticks and grass are all they need in the dry climate. Sometimes the Hadza return to their rock shelters, many of which still bear the paintings and designs left by their presumed ancestors, but mostly they make temporary, seasonal camps which deteriorate quickly when they move on.
Hadza living traditionally do not have to work hard to supply themselves daily with enough food. However, they have to be ready to survive extended difficult periods. Bush food is very nutritious. The bulk of Hadza food is roots, tubers, shoots, fruits, mainly gathered by women who spend 4 - 7 hours foraging per day, almost every day. Hunters about the same. Fertility and birth rate of Hadza are below that of national averages but the population has been slowly increasing. Hadza children contribute a great deal to their own diet. Hadza grandmothers and post-menopausal women really do contribute significantly to their offspring’s survival. Hadza fathers contribute more care to their own children than to their step children and they appear to adjust their parental effort in response to mating opportunities.
Hunting supplies only a small but a socially important part of the diet. An exceptionally good hunter may earn high status, worth more to his reproductive potential than his contribution of meat is worth to the tribe let alone his family. Meat is shared widely. Scavenging occurs but does not contribute a major part of food intake. The Hadza lifestyle is a very healthy one. Health deteriorates when they live in settlements.
Decision making is consensual and includes both men and women. Camps are named after men. It is often the women who decide when to move camp and all Hadza squabble about where they will go and what they will do. The Hadza do not traditionally have chiefs or leaders, nor even a village elder system but occasionally a single powerful man influences the community. In contrast to surrounding tribes the Hadza are very egalitarian.
Most of the older Hadza haven’t been to school like Gudo and Naftal. The bush-dwelling Hadza are wary of their educated, 'modernized' tribesmates. They cannot read nor write but they can start a fire with a stick, find bush food, make sandals, adornments, bows and arrows, hunt animals, gather honey and look after the interests of their kin. The older Hadza twinkle with teasing, teach their grandchildren their stories and songs as well as where to find water and food. I wish you could hear the strong, shrill voices of the women as they tease, scold, soothe and sing. If nothing else, the Hadza are joyful people; to be among them lifts one’s spirits - when they aren’t begging and cajoling you for something!
On dark nights especially, the Hadza sing and dance. They are a musical people. Travelling with two or more in the car invariably leads to merry singing on the trip. Once I organized a safari to the rock paintings of Central Tanzania with archaeologist Mary Leakey. The aim of the trip was to show a few Hadza the rock art; we wanted to get their opinions about the pictures. Here is a song Gudo and Kampala invented during the dusty drives between rock shelters: (Transcription by linguist Bonny Sands)
musiyobakwa she is troubling us
shauri ya koeta because of them
Hadzabe kenebe the Hadzabe of long ago
Hukwa maha’a Get up! Let’s go!
’isawabi’I The caves!
(dental click) iyetabita We’ll see them
Hadzabe kenebe the Hadzabe of long ago
In contrast to the majority of present day East African people, the Hadza seem not to have come from somewhere else. They are indigenous. Outsiders have been coming into the Eyasi area for many years, mainly agro-pastoral Iraqw, pastoral Datoga and Maasai and agricultural Bantu groups. All these immigrants found the Hadza roaming the hills and valleys, hunting and gathering. Immigrants almost universally share a negative attitude to the Hadza who are seen as primitive, backward, poor and with disgusting food habits. Most local people consider themselves superior to and better off than the Hadza. To them the Hadza as a source of barter, as guards for crops and homesteads or simply as childlike primitives, to poke fun at, criticise or ignore. Left alone, the immigrants would probably slowly swamp or displace the Hadza.
But the immigrants are not the only people to come to Hadzaland. Outsiders come and go. It is mostly outsiders that want to 'help' the Hadza. In addition to the 'traditionalists' who wish the Hadza could stay as 'wild' foragers there are many more who want to help guide these people into the modern world. The Hadza themselves, as well as outsider, all have different points of view, aims and actions. It creates a real muddle.
An obvious question is why do so many outsiders want to help the Hadza, in stark comparison to the lack of desire to help many other rural groups. The answer is that outsiders find the Hadza attractive. They are fun; they inspire people. A classic romantic version of the Hadza was told by Peter Matthiessen after visiting them in the 60’s, in his charming book, The Tree Where Man Was Born. The fascination with these cheerful, bush wise people seems endless.. Besides the reams of researchers, samples of students and piles of professionals there are the medicos, the maverick and messianic individuals who now come to study, save or document the Hadza. They bring their dreams, diseases and religions, food and material objects all to 'help' the Hadza and all of which inevitably change the Hadza.
One of the most disruptive sources of help is money. Hadza economy was never on a cash basis, hardly even barter, for the Hadza were used to sharing freely. Sharing seems not to be so much reciprocal as what one researcher calls 'demand sharing' and another, to make the point even more emphatically, 'tolerated theft'. This still seems to be basic. When I gave a woman a kanga (colorful printed cotton wrap-around), it next appeared around her son’s loins, next over the head of a sister’s child, and finally around the waist of her cousin before it disappeared. I asked her where her kanga was, she waved and said with a fake pout 'It went'.
Items obtained by one’s own efforts, such as a hunk of meat, a bit of clothing, some fruits, are all to be shared with whomever wants it. This attitude causes great consternation when sums of money are brought to the Hadza. For instance, there was a recent foray from the BBC. They came to film the way the Hadza cope with bush life. They said they wanted not to interfere, to be low key, yet brought in the usual team which photographed, recorded, then vanished. Before leaving they proudly donated many pounds, by local standards, to 'help' the Hadza. All who participated in the BBC film expected to get a share. Ousider onsultants got good pay; local guides a little. But the lump sum was removed from the Hadza, the responsibility for the use of the money remains with outsiders. The Hadza are very distressed by this. Likewise, money from tourism often goes into accounts which can only be operated by a few individuals who all too often misuse it for their own ends (e.g. booze).
One of the major gripes of the Hadza and all indigenous peoples is that they have so little control over their future or land. Governments seldom see foragers as having rights to the land or wildlife where they traditionally lived. The Hadza feel powerless to keep out the immigrant pastoralists and farmers, government officials, the filmmakers, the curious, the 'helpers'. But what to do? Pastoralists everywhere are also suffering from displacement and the lack of communal land. The Maasai and Datoga have their sympathizers because they too are fighting against environmental degradation from the more numerous agriculutralists.
With more and more people crowding into their land, both the Hadza and the wild animals lose out along with the loss of vegetation cover and water. And the Hadza, to survive traditionally would need a lot of land, especially for hoofed animals. For instance a simplified case might be as follows: if each of the let us say 1000 Hadza people ate on average 1kg of meat per day and that wild animals average 150 kg, which when butchered might provide 100 kg of meat, then Hadza hunters would have to kill or scavenge roughly three and one half zebra like animals for each
person per year. Some 3 to 4000 animals would be needed to support that population with plenty of meat.* *
Hunting and sharing of meat may not be critical to Hadza physical survival but it probably is to their social survival. Gudo and all Hadza men pride themselves on the way they can shoot animals with their strong bows and variety of prey tailored arrows. But are there nowadays enough wild animals to support Hadza hunting? All would agree, no. So where have all the animals gone? Replaced by livestock, almost every one. No one knows the absolute numbers of wild animals left in the area but the last census (an aerial survey in 1992 by Tanzanian Wildlife Conservation Monitoring) revealed more than thirty head of livestock for each one of the estimated 2200 (large enough to count from the air) wild animals in a portion of the Eyasi basin. In addition to competition with livestock the wild animals are pursued by plenty of people eager for bush meat, or to hunt for 'sport' and even for export as live animals. Wildlife is heavily utilized here, legally and mostly illegally, and in any case, not in any sustainable way.
Competition for land, water, wood and wildlife are the Hadzas’ main worries. There are some other concerns. There are miners that prospect and dig for gemstones in Hadzaland; they make roads and holes (and kill animals) all over the area. This activity encourages local people to try their luck too. All too often they dig at rock shelters (after all, the archeologists did there implying there is somethng of value!). Add to the competitors, immigrants and treasure hunters a whole array of transient do-gooders and you begin to perceive the situation. (see cartoon).
There are missionaries proselytising and building churches, educators taking children away to schools, bureaucrats and politicians trying to get the Hadza to settle down and farm, health workers trying to build roads and new clinics, donors and aid workers such as CUSO, Oxfam-UK, CARITAS, Denmark, Norway and the Netherlands, each with its own form of help. Finally there are some truly amazing self- styled Hadza saviours who come from time to time, tossing out money and bags of grain, filming dances done grossly out of context, encouraging school children to run away and churches to be burnt down; taking individuals off to Europe; all this done in the name of helping the Hadza to remain traditional hunter-gatherers! It is truly astounding how much effort and money has been spent 'helping' the Hadza.
Tourists and other visitors to Africa want a share, a glimpse of the joy and the expertise of real, honest-to-goodness, wild humans. Firesticks and digging sticks, poison arrows and all, the Hadza are a great tourist draw.. Only a few safari companies are sensitive to the destructive effects of their tours. One company uses Hadza guides and gives back a portion of income to help the Hadza help themselves. But most companies don’t care, they find the Hadza useful as a tourist attraction in a cheap area to visit. Disruption is inevitable and sometimes ugly.
So how can any or all realistically help the Hadza? There are a few people genuinely concerned with the wider issues of land rights and life styles.. One utopian scenario would be to get the concerned folk to coordinate their efforts. They could then support local residents who would develop and implement their own plans for resource use. All the residents in the area would have to agree to let the Hadza hunt and gather with safeguards against livestock and farming in certain places. They would have to forbid outsiders to settle, make charcoal and kill wildlife as they please. Tracts of land would have to be kept as wildlife corridors between the conserved areas of Ngorongoro-Maswa-Serengeti and the Yaeda valley and hills so that animals could move about seasonally. By-laws would have to be enacted to protect the land and wildlife, such as a system of restrictions and fines for misuse. None or these negotiations would be easy nor fast. It would be a real challenge. Is it worth a try?
The application for a special Hadza organization brought to us the other day by Naftal and Gudo highlighted all the problems. Much help on paper is what Gudo calls 'blah blah' - jargon and buzz words - but down at the bottom is a genuine feeling that the Hadza should have a voice in their future and rights to some of their remaining land. Maybe there are people who might care and have patience enough to devise long term ways to 'help' the Hadza with more than bags of food, Bibles, or confusing advice. Help the Hadza sing their own song.
Stop for a moment and imagine a dark night full of stars, holding a warm child asleep in your lap, your campfire burning low, singing along with Gudo and his little group in the immensity of the African night. Maybe the Hadza will add to an old song (about the danger of nearby volcanoes and earthquakes).
Hadzabe, we’ll sing the night away Hadzabe, we all want to stay
What if the sun turns round Where we can see the sky
and the sky falls down Animals and fruits close by
We can’t go away, Here children play,
it is here we’ll stay we don’t want to go away.
* I base this estimate on data that we have used in our studies of lion predation in Serengeti. Wieght of ungulates obviously vaires eg. gazelles rather less than elephants and buffoloes! I take a rounded estimate of 150 kg for large animals and use 33% as the inedible portion of a carcass. See Schaller, 1972 The Serengeti Lion, U. Chicago Press and also Serengeti 1973 edited by A.R.E. Sinclair and M. Norton Griffiths and Serengeti II 1995 ed by A.R.E. Sinclair and P. Arcese. My estimate of 3.5 animals needed per Hadza per year compares well with that estimated for Kenya hunter-gatherers by I. Burchard (Swara 20:6 & 21:1). Compare this with estimates for poachers in the Serengeti with its much greater biomass who are estimated to take almost 9 animals per hunter per year.