Arusha Declaration

". . . It is particularly important that we should now understand the connection between freedom, development, and discipline, because our national policy of creating socialist villages throughout the rural areas depends upon it. For we have known for a very long time that development had to go on in the rural areas, and that this required co-operative activities by the people . . .

"When we tried to promote rural development in the past, we sometimes spent huge sums of money on establishing a Settlement, and supplying it with modern equipment, and social services, as well as often providing it with a management hierarchy . . . All too often, we persuaded people to go into new settlements by promising them that they could quickly grow rich there, or that Government would give them services and equipment which they could not hope to receive either in the towns or in their traditional farming places. In very few cases was any ideology involved; we thought and talked in terms of greatly increased output, and of things being provided for the settlers.

"What we were doing, in fact, was thinking of development in terms of things, and not of people . . . As a result, there have been very many cases where heavy capital investment has resulted in no increase in output where the investment has been wasted. And in most of the officially sponsored or supported schemes, the majority of people who went to settle lost their enthusiasm, and either left the scheme altogether, or failed to carry out the orders of the outsiders who were put in charge - and who were not themselves involved in the success or failure of the project.

"It is important, therefore, to realize that the policy of Ujamaa Vijijini is not intended to be merely a revival of the old settlement schemes under another name. The Ujamaa village is a new conception, based on the post Arusha Declaration understanding that what we need to develop is people, not things, and that people can only develop themselves . . .

"Ujamaa villages are intended to be socialist organizations created by the people, and governed by those who live and work in them. They cannot be created from outside, nor governed from outside. No one can be forced into an Ujamaa village, and no official - at any level - can go and tell the members of an Ujamaa village what they should do together, and what they should continue to do as individual farmers . . .

"It is important that these things should be thoroughly understood. It is also important that the people should not be persuaded to start an Ujamaa village by promises of the things which will be given to them if they do so. A group of people must decide to start an Ujamaa village because they have understood that only through this method can they live and develop in dignity and freedom, receiving the full benefits of their co-operative endeavor . . .

"Unless the purpose and socialist ideology of an Ujamaa village is understood by the members from the beginning" at least to some extent it will not survive the early difficulties. For no-one can guarantee that there will not be a crop failure in the first or second year - there might be a drought or floods. And the greater self-discipline which is necessary when working in a community will only be forthcoming if the people understand what they are doing and why . . .

"The fact that people cannot be forced into Ujamaa villages, nor told how to run them, does not mean that Government and TANU have just to sit back and hope that people will be inspired to create them on their own. To get Ujamaa villages established, and to help them to succeed, education and leadership are required. These are the things which TANU [Tanzania African National Union] has to provide.

". . . The Arusha Declaration and the actions relating to public ownership which we took last week were all concerned with ensuring that we can build Socialism in our country. The nationalization and the taking of a controlling interest in many firms were a necessary part of our determination to organize our society in such a way that our efforts benefit all our people and that there is no exploitation of one man by another.

"Yet these actions do not in themselves create socialism. They are necessary to it, but as the Arusha Declaration states, they could also be the basis for fascism" in other words, for the oppressive extreme of capitalism. For the words with which I began my pamphlet Ujamaa in 1962 remain valid; socialism is an attitude of mind. The basis of socialism is a belief in the oneness of man and the common historical destiny of mankind. Its basis, in other words, is human equality.

"Acceptance of this principle is absolutely fundamental to socialism. The justification of socialism is Men; not the State, not the flag. Socialism is not for the benefit of black men, nor brown men, nor white men, nor yellow yellow men. The purpose of socialism is the service of man, regardless of color, size, shape, skill, ability or anything else. And the economic institutions of socialism, such as those we are now creating in accordance with with the Arusha Declaration, are intended to serve man in our society. Where the majority of the people in a particular society are black, then most of those who benefit from socialism there will be black. But it has nothing to do with their blackness; only with their humanity. . . .

"The Arusha Declaration talks of Men, and their beliefs. It talks of socialism and capitalism, of socialists and capitalists. It does not talk about about racial groups or nationalities. On the contrary, it says that all those who stand for the interests of the workers and peasants, anywhere in the world, are our friends. This means that we must judge the character and ability of each individual, not put each person into a pre-arranged category or race or national origin and judge them accordingly. Certainly no one can be a socialist unless he at least tries to do this. For if the actions taken under the Arusha Declaration are to mean anything to our people then we must accept this basic oneness of man. What matters now is that we should succeed in the work we have undertaken. The color or origin of the man who is working to that end does not matter in the very least. And each of us must fight, in himself, the racialist habits of thought which were part of our inheritance from colonialism.

"It is not an easy thing to overcome such habits. But we have always known that it is necessary, and that racialism is evil. We fought our independence campaign on that basis. And the equality of man is the first item in the TANU Creed. For in our constitution we say 'TANU believes (a) That all human beings are equal; (b) That every individual has a right to dignity and respect.'

"If we are to succeed in building a socialist state in this country it is essential that every citizen, and especially every TANU leader, should live up to that doctrine. Let us always remember two things. We have dedicated ourselves to build a socialist society in Tanzania. And, Socialism and Racialism are incompatible."

To reconstruct Tanganyika's economy (the country had been a low priority' under British rule) was not easy. Nyerere, who was elected President declared a one-party State in 1965 and embarked on a policy of African Socialism which culminated in the 1967 Arusha Declaration which set the principles of Ujamaa: collective production, equal opportunity and, above all, self-reliance.

This original form of development was to be carried out in Ujamaa Villages which regrouped farmers in specific areas for specified types of production. The policy was successful with more than 8000 villages created by the mid-1970s, but traditional resistance and a difficult economic environment led to the breakdown of this idealistic social programme.

Last week. I had this rather terrible nightmare, in which I dreamt that I was dead! Now, as fate would have it, when I awoke I discovered that I was indeed very dead .... Kaput! And what's more? My dead soul had already arrived in the land of the dead, wherever that was.

Since it was still morning and being a stranger in that land of the dead, I went into a nearby Caf", where I intended to order Coffee, then while at it, also ask for some directions. Coincidentally, it happened to be the same Caf" in which former African leaders liked to take their breakfast.

The first one to arrive was Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. Mwalimu headed straight to my table and without even glancing, the former president of Tanzania sat down, put on his glasses and began perusing a little booklet which he had brought along. "I still can't find anything wrong with this!" He muttered to himself, shaking his head.

I craned my neck to have a look at the booklet's sleeve and to my surprise, it was written; 'The Arusha Declaration of 1967!' So I decided to greet him. "Shikamoo Mwalimu, I happen to come from Arusha, a town where that declaration was endorsed."

Nyerere looked up in surprise, extended his hand and shook mine strongly. Just then two more former African leaders joined us at the table, One being the former Congo president, Mobutu Sese Seko and the other was the former Field Marshall, Idi Amin Dada of Uganda. Nyerere introduced me to them. "Hello both of you! This fellow here comes from my former country!" He said.

"So! Which part of Tanzania do you happen to come from?" Asked Idi Amin Dada. He looked as well nourished as he always used to be, but this time more serene.

"Arusha!" I replied." You know, that place which is alleged to be the center point between Cape Town and Cairo City."

"Is Arusha in Tanzania! Wasn't it supposed to be somewhere in Rwanda or Burundi?" Asked Mobutu, rather perplexed. He was still adorning a leopard skin over his shoulders.

"Arusha is in Tanzania you should know that!" retorted Mwalimu. "Maybe you got mixed up by the idea of the UN International Criminal Tribunal for the 1994 Rwanda genocide being based there and the fact that it was also where the Burundi Peace Negotiation Sessions were being held."

"Well, it could be," said Mobutu, still not very much convinced." Anyway, what is new back there in the world? Do our people in Uganda; Tanzania and Zaire, still miss us?"

"Can't be so sure about that!" I replied." Especially in Zaire. By the way, there is no Zaire, the country's name had been changed into the 'Democratic Republic of Congo,' or in short DRC!"

"Good gracious!" Yelled Mobutu. "What a long, exotic and cumbersome name, it makes tongues bleed to pronounce it."

"So did 'Mobutu-Sese- Seko-Kuku- Ngbendu-Wa- Za Banga," said another former African leader who had just joined us at the table. "The name also used to be quite long, weird and extremely cumbersome. In fact, many tongues, hearts, necks and other parts of human anatomies, shed pure blood, in the process of trying to pronounce it properly!" The newcomer who said this was none other than .... Laurent Desire Kabila, the founder of DRC.

"And, what is wrong with human anatomies bleeding?" asked Idi Amin. "They are supposed to!"

"Stop it now!" commanded Nyerere, banging on the table and spilling Mobutu's coffee. "This guy here has just arrived from Tanzania and I want him to tell us about the country, but all you seem to be doing here, is reminisce about your past bloody eras!" This statement certainly made the other fellows to shut up.

"Anyway there is nothing new about Tanzania save for the fact that, the country is about to hold its third Multiparty General Elections on October 30. There are ten presidential candidates from about eighteen political parties. However, your old pal, Justice Joseph Sinde Warioba thinks that, there is only one political party and the rest are just groups of whining people .... which they are!"

"I understand that this time a woman is also running for the presidency," sneered Field Marshall Idi Amin. "Don't you think this is stretching democracy rather too far?"

"No! I don't think so," shouted Canaan Banana from another table. The former ceremonial president of Zimbabwe was taking hot milk and sausages. "There is nothing wrong with a woman running for the presidency as long as she is not allowed to win. It helps convince foreign donors to continue pouring money in our coffers."

"Yeah!" Supported Mobutu. "What is important here is cash. An African leader needs money, gold and diamonds to run his hundred castles, feed his thousand women, buy cars for the millions of boot-lickers under his heels, reinforce the loyal military forces and still have enough change left to deposit into his numbered Swiss accounts."

Nyerere once more opened his Arusha Declaration booklet, shook his head and muttered; "There is nothing wrong with this manifesto, why did the Tanzanian people chose to trash it? Soon they will all be talking like Banana, Mobutu and Idi Amin .... How I weep for the country!

A monument constructed at a spot in Karatu districtwhere former president Julius Nyerere announced the villagisation programme more than 30 years ago, may be handed over to the Antiquities department.

Prime Minister Edward Lowassa said he would propose that the monument be handed over to the department to ensure maximum protection and promotion as a national asset.

Mr. Lowassa made the promise when responding to pleas by Endabash villagers who said the monument was on danger of getting ruined or vandalised in the absence of an authority taking care of it.

The villagers at Endabash, roughly midway between Karatu and Mbulu, suggested to the PM that themonument should be placed under the Antiquities department or the National Museum so that it can be well maintained and preserved as a national heritage.

The monument, resembling the Uhuru Torch monument in Arusha but smaller in size, was constructed at a spot where the late Mwalimu Nyerere announced compulsory villagisation programme during a visit there in November 1973.

The programme, under which scattered rural people were moved into permanent villagers, was one of the major actions taken by the government after the proclamation of the Arusha Declaration in 1967.

The Declaration saw massive nationalisation of foreign banks and private firms. In 1971, privately-owned buildings which were worth Sh. 100,000and above during that time werealso nationalised.

Several monuments which have been constructed in the country in relation to Arusha Declaration, Tanzania's blue print for Socialism and Self Reliannce include the Azimio (Uhuru Torch) monument in the heart of Arusha.