Grant in Aid

Name ID 1984

See also

Nettelbeck, David A history of Arusha School, Tanzania
Page Number: 06
Extract Date: 1974


Arusha School is one small school within the Tanganyika education system. It opened in 1934 for European children and now 40 years later is still catering for the children of expatriates workings in Tanzania.

The school was built by the Government and has always been owned by it in fulfilment of its aim to provide education for the children of settlers, officials, commercial managers and foreign experts. However the Government has directly managed the school for only 18 years of the 40 years of its history, and even then in close association with the Anglican Diocese of Central Tanganyika. For the other years, the Diocese has had either direct management responsibility or indirect management influence, but always the school has been financed by Government money and fees.

In order to understand the background of the various management agreements and to set the school in the total context of education in Tanganyika, this history looks in Chapter 1 at the broad sweep of the development of formal education from the German colonial administration in 1887 to the integrated system under the independent Government in 1962. Significant points in this evolving pattern are the British interpretation of the Mandate under the League of Nations and the uncertainty of European settlement; the Grant in Aid System of Government/Mission partnership in education introduced in the 1920s; the depression and economic recession of the 1930s and the three racially distinct educational systems for African, European and Indian children formalized in the 1940s and 1950s.

In Chapter II, the focus is narrowed from education as a whole to European education in particular. The Government, while not willing to take a lead, was willing to support those who did. Thus Bishop Chambers within the context of his concern for the pastoral care of Europeans opened a temporary school in 1928. This venture proved unsuccessful but led to negotiations for the Government to build a school and the Bishop to manage it using Government funds. Thus the Government could indirectly employ missionary staff at missionary rates of pay, a very economical proposition indeed during the post depression years.

Chapter III looks at the school in the first 12 years of its existence from 1934 - 1946 under its first Headmaster, Wynn Jones. He was an outstanding man whose loving, gentle personality and concern for people left an indelible impression on the school and a strong sense of family cohesion among boarders and staff alike.

In the 10 years under Wynn Jones, the enrolments grew from 30 to 120 pupils and the school outstripped the resources of the Diocese to staff it. A new agreement was therefore reached in 1946 under which the Government would directly manage the school, and employ staff, but the Diocese would have a strong and continuing involvement.

From 1946 to 1963 under the second major Headmaster Hamshere and a stable senior staff, the school expanded and became an efficient and somewhat impersonal yet vital and living community. Chapter IV looks at the personality of Hamshere, the curriculum and extra curricular activities and the exclusiveness of the "European" enrolment.

In 1961 the country gained its independence, followed in January 1962 by the abolition of separate European, Indian and African education departments.

This history is brought to a conclusion in 1969, 7 years after the integrated system of education became effective. During these years, the school returned to semi-Diocesan control under a Board of Governors and became an "international community" feeling its way very hesitantly to a place within independent Tanzania. In 1969, the post-independence Headmaster Bryn Jones left, the last of the British indent staff arrived, and the first of many missionary recruited teachers was employed on terms similar to those of 1934.

It is the belief of the writer that the character or tone of a school is very strongly determined by the nature of the staff and the leadership of the Headmaster. This history isolates the unique and contrasting personalities of two of the headmasters, Hamshere and Wynn Jones, who served the school for 28 years between them, and who left an indelible impression on it.

This history will also trace a rather unusual church-state relationship in the establishment and management of Arusha School. This relation-ship developed partly in an attempt to stretch scanty government funds as widely as possible; and partly in a genuine attempt to personalize what could have become a formal academic machine, and to bring a more spiritual and human dimension into an otherwise harsh and uncultured "frontier" and "colonial" environment.

Extract ID: 4913

See also

Nettelbeck, David A history of Arusha School, Tanzania
Page Number: 08a
Extract Date: 1920s


Arusha School was in many ways a unique school, but for all its distinctiveness, it was always a Government owned school which took its place within the total education system. Before looking at the school or even the structure of the European education system, this chapter will review briefly the formal educational provision as it was initiated by the Germans and established by the British in 1920s and 1930s. The introduction of the Grant in Aid System has particular relevance in this context.

Extract ID: 4914

See also

Nettelbeck, David A history of Arusha School, Tanzania
Page Number: 10


From the very earliest post war years, the missions were feeling their way toward some kind of partner ship with Government in education. The following; missionary comment was no doubt typical:

"It seems to as quite evident that in view of the present financial stringency, neither the Government nor the missionary facilities can carry on the work alone, but that working in conjunction they can bring to a successful issue the aims which they both have at heart. It is a simple matter of fact that missions can secure the services of men and women of the best type and training who for the highest motives will give their life service at a very much lower cost than those who do not have similar motives to inspire them. Therefore if a system of grants-in-aid could be coupled of course with inspections, missions could largely augment their schools and raise their standard of education, introducing; a large measure of industrial training for which fresh instructors will be obtained from England and elsewhere".

This rather pious statement stands at the right wing., of a universal debate on state aid for church schools and is in marked contrast to the realities of occasional antagonism between the churches and the Government in the 19408 and 1950s.

The Ormsby-Gore Commission in 1924 criticised the back of educational provision and claimed that the education system had not returned to the level it had reached under the Germans.

The Phelps-Stokes Commission, a missionary inspired and privately financed commission in the same year called for partnership between missions and government, not separate development, and this policy was delineated in a subsequent Colonial Office Memorandum of 1925 entitled, "Education Policy in British Tropical Africa". There was also a significant "Protestant Lobby" at Westminster which supported the partnership concept.

An African Education Ordinance came into effect on lst January 1928. It set up a Central Advisory Committee on Education and authorized the payments of Grants in Aid (G.I.A.) to voluntary schools which fulfilled certain standards of efficiency. In 1924/25 the total Government expenditure on education had been "15,754 or 1.18% of the territory's revenue; by 1928/29 it had risen to "80,000 or 3.35% of the revenue.

The Government's aim in education was to provide a small but efficient system to fulfil clearly identified purposes of development, while the missions in addition aimed to use Government money to "Christianize" the country by education. In actual fact the peak of the independent mission enterprise in education had passed, and their work was now increasingly underwritten by Government money and came more and more under Government control. The last grants were paid in 1969 when all grant aided schools cane under full Ministry of Education management.

The Dutch community, many of whom had trekked from South Africa, and which was one of the largest groups to take up land abandoned by the Germans during the war, was one of the first to take advantage of the G.I.A. system. While the British settlers were waiting for the Government to do something for them, the Dutch had built 3 schools and received grants for them from 1928 on. The Government also began to assume some responsibility for financing Asian schools which had come into being on the initiative of various communities of parents, notably those of the Aga Khan's community.

The G.I.A. payments system which had such small and tentative beginnings had risen to "285,000 in 1949 and "824,000 in the 1963/64 financial year.

Extract ID: 4919

See also

Nettelbeck, David A history of Arusha School, Tanzania
Page Number: 17b


We must recognise at the outset that at no time did Tanganyika have a significant and stable settler population similar to Kenya or Rhodesia. Census figures in 1912 show 3,579 Germans and 1,287 others including Greeks and South Africans; and even in the colonial "hey day" of 1957, there were only 6,170 aliens and 14,177 British. Approximately 90% of these were transient in the sense that they were in government service or in missionary or commercial enterprise; and European expatriates never numbered more than 1/5 of the Indians and Pakistanis in the country.

There was no question of providing for the children of settlers under the German colonial Government as either the settlers would have been unmarried or the children left in Europe.

The same was true in the first years of British rule when children were either left in Europe or sent to Kenya.

We have already noted - that while Byatt and Cameron were aware of the value of a settler population, their Land Ordinance and policy under the mandate did little to encourage widespread settlement. Nevertheless there were settlers and officials; and the Annual Report of the Education Department for 1925 recorded a feel of impatience and a sense of grievance among Europeans that the Government had not made provision for the education of their children. When the British chaplain in Dar as Salaam tried to organise a kindergarten school that year, his efforts were welcomed by the Government but he received no practical support. By the end of the year, 18 of the 59 British children in Dar as Salaam had left the country and the school was closed.

In 1927 a committee of ladies attempted in Dar es Salaam again to start a school for 35 pupils in a disused German Kindergarten building, and in 1928 this became the Government Junior European School, referred to in Chapter 1g and still operating today as the Bunge English medium School.

A dilemma for the Government is clearly apparent through the late 1920s. There was an obvious need for some provision for European children; the G.I.A. system was operating for communities who would help themselves; there was very little money in the Treasury, and the British colonial policy of self-reliance left a poor territory like Tanganyika struggling. An expenditure on a service like education would have a low priority and the demand for non-African education was no more than an irritating side issue Nevertheless the European community did pay taxes and, as we have said, its contribution to the economy of the country was out of all proportion to its numbers.

In 1930 the Annual Education Department report made the following comment: "The climatic, social and economic conditions combine to make European education one of the most difficult problems the department has to solve. There are 900 children under 16 years of age of 11 nationalities scattered through a country three times the size of U.K. (For the numbers involved, see Appendix G.) The language difficulties are further complicated by the obligations inseparable from mandatory government".

There was no question about the need but who was to take the initiative?

Extract ID: 4924

See also

Nettelbeck, David A history of Arusha School, Tanzania
Page Number: 12b


Because of the Government's lack of resources and unwillingness to take a strong initiative in educational provision, and in pursuance of the G.I.A. policy, there grew up three racially distinct systems of African, Asian and European education with each of the three; subdivided into state controlled, state aided, and wholly private schools.

In the African sector for example in 1937, there were 9,500 pupils in Government schools, 19,500 in aided schools and 100,000 in private schools. These latter. were often sub-standard bush schools, catechetical centres or Koranic schools along the coast. It was not until 1955 that the Government required these kinds of schools to be registered.

In the same year, there were 985 places in Government schools for Indian children and another 3,318 in grant aided schools. The Indian community were quick to take advantage of the G.I.A. system and fulfil the requirements thus only 320 of their children were that year in private schools.

For the European community in the 1930s, the Government made direct provision in three ways. Arusha School, primarily for boarders, opened in 1934; a correspondence course was based in Dar es Salaam; and there was also a junior primary school in Dar es Salaam. The enrolment figures in 1937 show 59 children in the two latter, and 60 pupils at Arusha School.

There were in addition 704 grant aided places for European children, a significant proportion of these being in national community schools for the Dutch, German and Greek children. Another 15 places were in a private school. The above figures are taken from the enrolment statistics 1931 - 1948 in Appendix G.

There is another way of looking at these statistics and that is to see the percentage of children being- educated from each community. Listowell states that in 1933, 51% of the European children, 49% of the Asian and 2% of the African were at school.

By 1945 7.5%, of the African children attended school though few got beyond the fourth primary grade and none could attempt the entrance exam for tertiary study at Makerere in Uganda. By 1959, 40% of African children attended at least the first four years of primary education, and in 1961, 55% of the age group entered the first primary grade. The present Government of Nyerere aims at universal primary education by 1980. (The comparative cost per head of population has been referred to above and is detailed in Appendix J.)

In 1930 an Education Tax was introduced with the primary object of affording security to the Government for the repayment of loans made -to non-African communities. In 1932 the Indian and European communities were taxed for their education on a poll Tax basis and, in addition, fees were charged at their schools. Nevertheless the Government was making a far more generous per capita provision for European and Indian children than it was for African children. The table in Appendix J shows the total expenditure for each community and the per capita cost from 1931 - 1937. Also the table in Appendix K shows that in 1955/56, 33.7% of the money spent by the Government on European education was collected in fees, 15.4% came from -the European Education Tax and 49.1% from Central Revenue. In 1959. the central revenue provided for European Education an amount equivalent to 1% of the total territorial expenditure.

In 1956, "3,618,555 held by the Custodian of Enemy Property from funds collected from confiscated properties during the Second World Wart was distributed equally between the Tanganyika Higher Education Trust Fund for establishing tertiary education facilities, St Michael's and St George's School, a lavish secondary school for European children at Iringa, Indian education, and African education. This 4 way split seem superficially fair but as President Nyerere has pointed out, the allocation on a per capita basis was equivalent to shs- 720/- to each European, shs. 200/- to each Asian and shs. 2/- to each African.

A 1948 and 1949, the three existing education systems described above were formalized by two ordinances, the Non-Native Education Ordinance and the Non-Native Education Tax Ordinance. This legislation brought into being an Indian Education Authority and a European Education Authority, each composed of representatives of the communities they were to serve. They were responsible for the development and general over-sight of the systems, and for managing the education funds according to the budget approved by the Legislative Council. There was also an Advisory Committee for Other (non-native) Education, which included Goan, Mauritian, Seychellois, Anglo-Indian, and Ceylonese children.

What began in 1948 as a very minor offshoot of basic Government responsibility for the development of the country with only 8,000 Asian and 300 European children, had become by 1961 a major concern catering for 28,000 Asian and 2,500 European children.

Extract ID: 4921